OUTSIDE THE CASTE
A STATUS REPORT ON THE DALIT SITUATION IN TAMIL NADU
Compiled by
Socio – Educational Trust
9, Annai Theresa Nagar,
Thimmavaram,
Chengalpattu – 603 101



CONTENTS
FOREWORD
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER - I DEMOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND
CHAPTER - II ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVES
ALIENATION OF RESOURCES - LAND
DEVELOPMENT MODEL
- Failure of the Ideology of Development.
JOBS IN AGRICULTURAL SECTOR
IMPACT OF GLOBALISATION
LABOUR - Economic activity of Dalits.
DALIT WORK PARTICIPATION
PARTICIPA TION OF DALIT WOMEN IN LABOUR.
BONDED LABOUR AND CHILD LABOUR
CHAPTER - III POLITICAL PERSPECTIVES
FAILURE OF NATIONAL PARTIES
FAILURE OF DRA VIDIAN PARTIES &
DRAVIDAR KAZHAGAM
FAILURE OF LEFT MO VEMENT
DALITS FOR SEPARATE IDENTITY
POLITICAL AND NON PARTY POLITICAL FORMA TION
CHAPTER - IV SOCIAL PERSPECTIVES
RESERVATION
EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES
DALIT CONTRIBUTION TO TAMIL LITERA TURE
CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE
NAMING OF Dalits
IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY ON Dalits
COMMUNITES AND THE SUBCASTES
CHAPTER - V ATROCITIES/ DISCRIMINATION AGAINST Dalits
CHAPTER-VI CONCLUSIONS
CHAPTER - VII RECOMMENDATIONS
ECONOMIC
POLITICAL
EDUCATIONAL
SOCIAL REFORMS
DALIT RIGHTS ARE HUMAN RIGHTS
MEDIA NET WORK
IDEOLOGY




R CHRISTODAS GANDHI I.A.S. SECRETARIAT
SECRETARY TO GOVERNMENT CHENNAI - 6
SOCIAL REFORMS DEPARTMENT
FOREWORD
"You tell a slave what he is, he will rise for his own emancipation” Self-realisation is the essential firepower for motivation. The Scheduled Caste Population of our country is still kept in the dark of its plight and prospects as well. Those who are engaged in planning progress for Scheduled Caste welfare are also not quite in the grip of actualities
The historical perspective of the Dalils that has been forced down our throats is also lacking in credibility. The contemporary reality is also not given as much coverage as it deserves in the various news media. Anyhow, genuine analytical essays on Dalit Status are rarities.
The attempt made by Thiru Xavier Gnanaraj and Thiru Krishnamoorthy to present a status report on the Dalit situation in Tamil Nadu in this context therefore is a laudable effort and the need of the hour too.
The reports no doubt will spur lot more search, debate, deliberation and new discoveries.
R CHRfSTODAS GANDHi

FOREWORD


Yet another independence war for civil rights – no discrimination as well as caste equality- is not at all over for 160 millions of Dalit People of India in general, 20 millions of Dallt of Tamil Nadu in particular, but, it has just begun. The growing consciousness about the human rights among certain sections of Dalit people after the celebration of Dr. Ambedkar's centenary and assertion of socio, political, economical and cultural rights have not resulted into total liberation but these have become sources of human rights violations and perpetuation of atrocities- Whenever Dalits in Tamil Nadu demnnd equal rights on par with other caste people over common property resources particularly land, public services, social equality and dignity, they are attacked and sources of livelihood are smashed with calculated violence.

However, the response for these barbaric actions and worst violations as well as violence from the civil society and the state was very bleak and gave no sense of hope, despite loud protests and upsurge from Dalit activists and Human Rights quarters. These grassroots voices are unheard so far and grossly neglected by the vested interests- Dalit Youth is now at the verge of seclusion and preparing themselves for a big revolt. The politicians and political parties, planners and bureaeaucrats consider and treat them as mere objects, consider Dalits as a mere vote bank.

Dalit people in general, Dalit youth in particular have no faith on politicians as well as political leaders, or self-centered caste leaders. Bureaucrats also equally cheated them in the name of insensitive governmental machinery. Though a handful of Dalits were derived benefits out of reservation, the welfare measures and facilities have not percolated and the trickle down theory has miserably failed. No systemic changes and real transformation is happened. The only ray of hope is some social action groups which repose faith on people's power and empowerment of Dalit are engaged in enhancing the rights consciousness among Dalit people - men and women- facilitate them to wage a war against all oppressions. This empowerment process slowly but surely would break the barriers and transform the society in the long run.
To create awareness on the status of Dalits, to demand entitlement rights of resources and services, to attain political rights and powers and to safeguard indigenous Dalit cultural forms as well as folk art forms of daughters and sons of soil, information on socio-political economical and cultural areas is vital and necessary. This booklet is providing some basic analysis to initiate a wider level debate and document on the status of Dalit people in Tamil Nadu.

This has been a modest attempt from Socio-Educational Trust (SET) based at Chengaipattu. Mr.A. Joseph Raj, Managing Trustee, SET, Xavier Gnanaraj and P. Krishnamoorthy, Researchers, took pain to collect, document and publish this small publication. There is the need to create awareness on human rights of Dafits, mobilise and organise them into strong community organisations and engage in collective actions. The independent initiatives from all Dalit men and women only would transform this unequal, unjust society into an ideal society. Let us work together towards this end.
Burnard Fathima. N.
Convenor,
Tamil Nadu Datit Women Movement,
Chennai.











PREFACE

This study has been planned to make an over view of the status of Dalits in Tamil Nadu.However, the approach in this report is quite different from other reports on Dalits. In this
report, an attempt has been made to identify the reasons for the lowly status of Dalits in Tamil Nadu and to throw light on the blackened history of Dalits, albeit briefly.
The objectives of the study are
1. To throw light on the living and working conditions of Dalits in the economic sphere.
2. To highlight the disempowered and powerless situation of Dalits in the political arena.
3. To explore the living conditions and present status of Dalits in social front.
4. To document the ingredients of distinct culture of Dalits.
5. To sum up the atrocities inflicted on the Dalits and the root causes for the same.
The limitations of the study are:
1. The status of Scheduled Tribes is not included. Some how along with the Scheduled Castes the status of Scheduled Tribes is also exhibited. However, no efforts have been made to record their economic, political, social and cultural status.
2. This report is not based on any field survey or report. It is a compilation of details available in the Census of India, Statistical Hand Book of Tamil Nadu and various ther books and magazines on the Dalits and Dalit issues.
3. The Status of the Dalits (Scheduled Castes) has been restricted to four general fields and a general over view is presented. This report has been divided into four parts, i.e. Economic Perspectives, Political Perspectives, Social Perspectives and Cultural Perspectives. Under Economic Perspectives, land alienation, work force, jobs in agricultural and other sectors and globalisation have been dealt with. Under Political Perspectives, the failure of the national and left parties, the Poona Pact and the Dalits' desire for a separate political identity have been discussed. In Social Perspectives the educational status, reservations and other spheres are discussed. Under Cultural Perspectives, the most crucial issue of the forgotten history of Dalits has been dealt with. Sincere attempts have been made to Justify the various perspectives. However, these are not comprehensive enough. This has been the modest as well as first attempt of Socio - Educational Trust to document basic information on Socio-Economic, Political and Cultural Development of Dalits.

I would like to thank Mr. Christodas Gandhi, IAS, Secretary, Social Reforms, Tamil Nadu Government, for having agreed to give a foreword and valuable suggestions for improvement of the report. A special thanks goes to Ms. Burnard Fatima, President, Society for Rural Education and Development, Arakonam, a long time friend and the Financial Trustee of our Trust. She has been a steady support in all the efforts to document this report. Finally the Trust would like to thank Mr. Xavier Gnanaraj a long time collaborator and Dr. Krishnamoorthy, the researcher. The Trust in a very special way thanks Mr. Kar! Wintgen and "Entraide et Fraternite" of Belgium for having supported the publication. Mr. Theesmas D' Selva of Lilly Soosai Offset Printers, a long time friend and collaborator deserves special thanks for having done wonderful work in printing this report elegantly and within a short span of time,

CHENGALPATTU A. JOSEPH RAJ
DATE -.27-06- 2000 Managing Trustee,
Socio - EducationalTrust.

OUTSIDE THE CASTE
A STATUS REPORT ON THE DALIT SITUATION IN TAMIL NADU
ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE:
LAND ALIENATION:
IMPACT OF GLOBALISATION
DEVELOPMENT MODEL
JOBS IN THE GOVT SECTOR
JOBS IN THE AGRICULTURAL SECTOR
POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE
SOCIAL PERSPECTIVE
EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES
RESERVATION
DALIT CONTRIBUTION TO TAMIL LITERATURE
CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE
ATROCITIES

Burnad Fathima. N.
FOREWARD Tamil Nadu Dalit Women Movement,
Chennai

Yet another independence war for civil rights – no discrimination as well as caste equality- is not at all over for 160 millions of Dalit People of India in general, 20 millions of Dalit of Tamil Nadu in particular, but, it has just begun. The growing consciousness about the human rights among certain sections of Dalit people after the celebration of Dr. Ambedkar’s centenary and assertion of socio, political, economical and cultural rights have not resulted into total liberation but these have become sources of human rights violations and perpetuation of atrocities. Whenever Dalits in Tamil Nadu demand equal rights on par with other caste people over common property resources particularly land, public services, social equality and dignity, they are attacked and sources of livelihood are smashed with calculated violence. However, the response for these barbaric actions and worst violations as well as violence from the civil society and the state was very bleak and gave no sense of hope, despite loud protests and upsurge from Dalit activists and Human Rights quarters. These grassroots voices are unheard so far and grossly neglected by the vested interests. Dalit Youth is now at the verge of seclusion and preparing themselves for a big revolt. The politicians and political parties, planners and bureaucrats consider and treat them as mere objects, consider Dalits as a mere vote bank.
Dalit people in general, Dalit youth in particular have no faith on politicians as well as political leaders, or self-centered caste leaders. Bureaucrats also equally cheated them in the name of insensitive governmental machinery. Though a handful of Dalits were derived benefits out of reservation, the welfare measures and facilities have not percolated and the trickle down theory has miserably failed. No systemic changes and real transformation is happened. The only ray of hope is some social action groups which repose faith on people’s power and empowerment of Dalit are engaged in enhancing the rights consciousness among Dalit people - men and women- facilitate them to wage a war against all oppressions. These empowerment processes slowly but surely would break the barriers and transform the society in the long run. To create awareness on the status of Dalits, to demand entitlement rights of resources and services, to attain political rights and powers and to safeguard indigenous Dalit cultural forms as well as folk art forms of daughters and sons of soil, information on socio-political economical and cultural areas is vital and necessary. This booklet is providing some basic analysis to initiate a wider level debate and document on the status of Dalit people in Tamil Nadu. This has been a modest attempt from Socio-Educational Trust (SET) based at Chengalpattu. Mr.A. Joseph Raj, Director, SET, Xavier Gnanaraj and P. Krishnamoorthy, Researcher, took pain to collect, document and publish this small publication. There is the need to create awareness on human rights of Dalits, mobilise and organise them into strong community organisations and engage in collective actions. The independent initiatives from all Dalit men and women only would transform this unequal, unjust society into an ideal society. Let us work together towards this end.

INTRODUCTION
OUR CONTEMPORARY REALITY
There are four factors that torment our contemporary reality, namely, poverty, caste, globalisation and status of women. The first tormenting factor poverty is a universal phenomenon and it differs from country to country. In India poverty is closely associated with caste system. It is not a mere coincidence that a vast majority of lower castes continue to live in abject poverty. It is a schematic and diabolical plan of caste system.
The next factor that torments our society is caste problem, which is pure racism, a rank racism in our society. Caste system goes against the principles of justice. It is built on the premises of inequality, impurity, and pollution and of race and caste segregation. Dr Lohia called the caste system as “the paralysis of Indian mind”.[1]
There is conspiracy of silence when it comes to research on Dalit history and culture. Those who dominated in the caste hierarchy control all the faculties for research and they ensure that the truth does not come out. We have ‘forces working against the Dalits and other oppressed groups who operating the name of nationalism like Indian culture, Indian religion, mass communication and so on’. [2]
The third factor that torments is globalisation. The advanced nations under the leadership of the USA have exercised their control over the nations states all over the globe, from east to west and from north to south. They have conquered nations by conceit, cheat and coercion in the name of WTO[3]. It is a new imperialism making frontal attacks on the economy of the nations by demanding Shylock’s share in their respective markets. Opening up the national markets would adversely affect the labour and poor who would be further marginalised. Thus neo-colonialism has been unleashed on India and the trend perpetuates poverty and prevents empowerment process of the marginlised communities particularly Dalits.
With globalisation skills and technology would advance. Those who fail to acquire new skills and technology would be pushed to the ridges of the economy and end up as destitute. Buttressed an orchestrated by the privatisation lobby, those opportunities earmarked for the socially and educationally weaker sections Scheduled castes and Scheduled Tribes and Backward castes would be lost.
In the name of Disinvestments, the Public Sector undertakings are handed over to the private sector. In India there is hardly any private sector as all the so called private sector industries have taken thousands of Crores of rupees as loans and share capital from the ICICI, IBDI, IFCI, SIDBI[4], nationalised banks and other financial institutions where the public money is available for throw away interests. By handing over the financial institutions to the private sector on a platter, the funds for the infrastructure development hitherto provided by them would be stopped.
The fourth tormenting factor is the status of women. In India womanhood is deified and despised simultaneously. The root cause of the low status of women in India is patriarchy steeped in caste system. Though some efforts were made to include the status of Dalit women in this report, it could not be achieved. It is regretted that a detailed statistics on Dalit women’s contribution in all spheres of life could not be recorded in this report.
Last two decades of the outgoing century has been dominated by the issue of Dalits in India particularly and the indigenous people all over the world. After a millennium, the rights of the original inhabitants all over the globe has gained importance. The colonization within and outside among the world countries has trampled upon the rights of the indigenous peoples. The Dalits of India, the Aztecs, Mayans and Incas of the Latin America, the native Indians of the north America the Burakumins of Japan, the Basque of Spain, the Caledonians of Ireland, the Africans of and the aborigines of Australia to name a few continue to live in acute poverty.
In India, even today caste determines the status, education, marriage and even death for a vast majority of Indians. Perhaps India is the only country where caste is alive and pervades every aspect of ordinary day today life the people of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes together known, as Dalits constitute the bulk of agricultural work force. Though the Dalits do not have a homogenous culture and history they have been grouped together as Dalits for the purposes of sociological analysis in the broad sense as counter to the Brahmanical ideology in India. In fact some of the Dalits do not like to be called even as Dalits as the word indicates certain amount of subjugation and servitude. However for the purposes of sociological and political analyses the word Dalits has been largely used by the researchers, NGO activists, Dalits activists, political parties etc. have used the word Dalits.
The purpose of this study is to exalt the status of Dalits as one of the original inhabitants of the country and not merely listing out their pathetic conditions as of today. The most important things the Dalits have lost in the long period of history are the LAND, EDUCATION and TOOLS[5]. The Dalits have been the tillers of the land, great seers as well as the warriors of the country. From Astronomy to Alchemy, from Philosophy to Mathematics, from medicine to metallurgy the contribution of the Dalits is tremendous. Hitherto the reports on the Dalits have been based on the writings of the British historians and the Brahmin historians. Further the economic approach to the origin of the Dalits by the Marxist also faulted as they analysed the present conditions of the Dalits rather than the past. By and large the history of Dalits have been systematically blackened for a specific purpose.
The credit of de mystifying the legends of the Dalits goes to the one and only Baba sahib Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. What is needed is to nurse the “ wounded psyche “ of the Dalits. The Dalits have made to believe that they have no history and they are just dust of the earth.[6] The scholars of the Dalits communities have made alternative researches and have found the history that has been handed over to them is figment of Brahmin imagination. The recent studies in history have proved beyond doubt that the Dalits were once the rulers of this vast country. However, they have been subjugated in terms of culture, religion and politics. Ambedkar has studied the history and unravelled the mystery. His findings made far-reaching impact on the study of Dalits. In the words of Dr.B.R. Ambedkar,’the purpose of my mission is to exalt my community and I have no other ambition in my life [7] Dr. Ambedkar felt that the failures of the reformers both the past and the present should be ascribed to the their inability or unwillingness to destroy the caste system including the untouchability Caste emerged out when the endogamous marriages were thrust on the exogamous marriages [8]. There existed two groups in the ancient India, namely the scattered and the settled. They were of different ethnic stock and blood. The predecessors of the Dalits were the scattered people. [9]
In a society where the identity of the bulk of the poor and the oppressed is divided into distinct socio cultural and ethnic groupings which are far from being weakened let alone destroyed, such generalisations serve to hide rather than reveal, the true life situation of the persons or groups concerned. The existence of poverty is an objective reality, but like very other objectively valid pro0ostion, it is subjectively constituted. [10]
What makes India unique, and therefore defies the attempts to find a comparable form of social organisation elsewhere, is the introduction of disjunction between status and power which puts the priests above the king. [11]
When legends state gods created the untouchables, the ethnic histories of many untouchables denies the divine origin and have different legends by oral tradition. Many such ethno historical records exist orally and not recorded. [12] Some other records have been deliberately side lined. It is also worthwhile to note that many ethnic groups to protect their identity from the invaders (Muslim, British) migrated to different areas and even changed their occupation. [13]

THE IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS:

The historical consciousness of the Dalits cannot be confused with the usual conceptions of class-consciousness or class ideologies of the western theories. [14] The same has been emphasised earlier by André Beteille and L.G.Havanur (Karnataka Backward Classes Commission). The class concept produces the illusion of homogeneity, unity and correct (as opposed to false) consciousness in the other wise vague or indeterminate idea of the poor. The persistence of hierarchical, subaltern and other non-economic relationships in the face of industrialisation and capitalism cannot be explained by a theory that seeks assurance in the primacy of ‘economic infrastructure’. [15] A historical perspective is important because it is not enough to analyse the present situation of Dalits. [16]
Today’s differentiation between the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes appears to be an imposed, arbitrary separation of peoples who are essentially the same. The historical affinity between the different sections of the indigenous community is the first lesson one has to learn in the search for Dalit ideology.

Secondly, the historical perspective brings to the fore, the determining factors responsible for the degradation of these communities. The determining factors were moral, cultural and social with the physical domination of the Arya people over the indigenous people providing the coercive political framework. Though the economic factors have contributed to the consolidation of the segregation, it is difficult to see any direct link between whatever changes in the mode of production had occurred during that time and the elaborate system of socio - religious hierarchy and segregation.

Thirdly the question how to achieve a casteless society can be answered only when a historical perspective reveals what determined its development and continuance.

The spread of caste system due to religious and cultural hegemony, established by the protagonists of Brahmanical conceptions of the world, their laws and social organisation. The indigenous inhabitants had become a people without their own history, without their own cultural individuality though they retain certain amount of cultural distinctiveness. Their history lies buried in their folk songs, stories, myths certain extent religious symbols and practices which on the one hand reveal elements of ancient conflicts, [17] defeats and absorption of caste values on the other hand manifest a religious ethos completely distinct from Brahmanical values and caste hierarchy. The reconstruction of this ancient history in the light of available material evidence, Brahmanical religious literature and Dalits own traditions, myths and practices is the gigantic task facing the Dalits. It is difficult to nurture and strengthen the Dalit identity and their struggles for liberation without the aid of their history. Dalits did not drop from skies as untouchables. It should be recognised that certain historical forces of a political, economic and religio - cultural nature reduced them to the present day situation as untouchables.

CHAPTER I
DEMOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND

The Dalits or scheduled castes population in India is 16.48 % of total population. They account for a sixth of India’s population. In Tamil Nadu, there are 10,712,266 Dalit people in 1991 census, thus constituting 19.18 % of the state population. It was 18.35 % in 1981.
At all India level, Dalit concentration is more in Uttar Pradesh (29.3 million in 1991). Next to that, West Bengal (16 million), Bihar (12.6 million), Tamil Nadu (10.7 million) and Andhra Pradesh (10 million), share a sizeable population. Tamil Nadu is the fourth state to have more concentration of Dalits. Nearly 77 % of the Dalit workforce is in the primary or agricultural sector of the economy in India. In Tamil Nadu also nearly 80 % of Dalit workforce is in the primary or agricultural sector.
Dalit population has recorded an increase by 20.62 % from 1981(8881295 persons 18.35%) to 1991 (10712266 persons – 19.18%).
Dalits or oppressed people in all sphere or broken people in real sense are called as SC (Scheduled Caste) in Tamil Nadu. Though there are approximately sixty seven communities are listed under the scheduled castes, three prominent groups among Dalits in Tamil Nadu are namely Adi Dravida, Devendra Kula Velalar and Arunthathiyars. A comprehensive list of scheduled castes is placed at Annexure I. each of the communities has distinct culture and history. The word dalit is used in this report not in the homogenous meaning but in the heterogeneous meaning.
Among these communities, Devendra Kula Vellalars are one. Strangely some communities ion Tamil Nadu not at all considered Devendra Kula Vellalars as untouchables[18]. They are an agricultural caste and depend on agriculture and related occupations. They are small peasants and tenants. They are militant in their approach to caste atrocities[19]. Educationally they are ahead of the rest of the two communities. They are highly concentrated in Central Ggovt jobs. Normally they are found in large numbers in Madurai, Tirunelveli (Nellai), Thanjavur, Trichy, Ramanathapuram, Coimbatore, Erode, Salem, Tuticorin and Virudhunagar districts. Their traditional conflict is with the Maravars(Thevars).
The Adi Dravidas are largely concentrated in the northern districts i.e. Chennai, Chengalpattu, South and North Arcot, Dharampuri though sparingly found all over the state.[20] They are engaged primarily in agriculture and allied sectors though in some areas their occupation varies. They seem to have taken a large share of the Govt jobs in the State. They managed to achieve education during the British rule and established in Govt services. Their traditional conflict is with the Vanniars and Mudaliars. .
Among these three communities Arunthathiyars are lest developed. They are mostly found in Coimbatore, Erode, Salem and Tirunelveli districts[21]. As they were associated with unclean jobs, they were never given opportunity to develop. Further, as they were Telugu and Kannada speaking communities, they are always looked down upon. Though they do not have conflicts with any major communities, all communities have despised them. The traditional occupation of Arunthathiyars is leather work. Their traditional caste panchayats or council is elected by a voice vote and this council settles civil disputes through conciliation. This alternate dispute resolution mechanism is very strong in a sense it controls the entire community. This may a positive feature of this community. The majority of Aruntahtyiars profess Hinduism, but ha few have converted to Christianity.
The conflict between the dalit communities on the one side and the non-Brahman caste (backward castes) on the other are a major cause for social tension in the State. Adding fuel to the fire, the linguistic minorities like the Reddys and Naidus also contributed to the social tensions. The Dalits of the State therefore have Tamil speaking backward castes as well as non – Tamil speaking forward and backward castes as the immediate adversaries.
TABLE NO 1
RURAL URBAN CONCENTRATION

AREA
POPULATION
PRECENTAGE
RURAL
8428040
78.68
URBAN
2284226
21.32
Source: Census of India, Series 23, Tamil Nadu, Primary Census Abstract for Schedule Castes, Part II B (ii) p.7

Of the total scheduled caste population, 78.68 % are found in the rural areas and while the rest 21.32 % are in urban areas. Of the total population of Tamil Nadu, the scheduled castes in the rural areas constitute 22.91 % while the scheduled casts living in urban areas (cities and towns) of the State constitute 11.97 % of State’s urban population.

Among the districts, the concentration of Dalit people is more in Nilgiris district (30.22%) followed by South Arcot (27.13%) and Chengalpattu (25.17 %). The following Districts have the highest concentration than the state average.

Above state average State average National Average
19.18% 16.48%
TABLE NO 2
DALIT CONCENTRATION OVER THE STATE AVERAGE
DISTRICT
PERCENTAGE
Nilgiris
30.22%
South Arcot
27.13%
Chengalpattu
25.97%
Thanjavur
24.17%
Thirvannamalai
21.46%
North Arcot
20.73%
Dindigul
19.41%
Source: Census of India, Series 23, Tamil Nadu, Primary Census Abstract for Schedule Castes, Part II B (ii) p.5

The following Districts have the lowest concentration of Dalit people than the State average. Blow the State Average
TABLE NO 3

Name
Percentage
1.
Thiruchirappalli
19.14%
2. *
Kamarajar
18.46%
3. *
Ramanathapuram
18.06%
4. *
Tirunelveli
17.89%
5. *
Chidambaranar
17.18%
6.
Periyar
17.16%
7.
Pudukkottai
16.82%
8.
Salem
16.70%
9.
Coimbatore
16.40%
10. *

Pasumpon Virudunagar
16.02%

11. *
Madurai
14.60%
12.
Dharmapuri
14.31%
13.

Chennai
13.79%
Source: Census of India, Series 23, Tamil Nadu, Primary Census Abstract for Schedule Castes, Part II B (ii) p.8
* Caste – clash prone Districts.
Kanniyakumari is having a very meagre Dalit population of about 4.80% to total Dalit population. Wherever Dalit concentration is low and below the state average, they are very prone to caste atrocities, caste clash and organised large-scale violence on caste lines. Their concentration in rural areas and slog in agriculture labour are the main reasons for their economic backwardness.

The highest concentration of Dalits among total rural population is recorded in Chengalpattu (Kancheepuram) district. It comprises more than one-third of its population belong to Dalits (34.94%) and South Arcot district with a proportion of 29.68% comes second.

On a comparison of the ratios of Dalits in rural areas in the districts with the state’s rural average ratio (22.91%), the following seven districts have witnessed higher ratio than the state average.
TABLE NO 4
DALIT RURAL POPULATION


DISTRICT
PERCENTAGE
1.
Chengalpattu (Kancheepuram)
34.94%
2.
South Arcot
29.68%
3.
Thanjavur
28.86%
4.
Nilgiris
28.25%
5.
Kamarajar
24.08%
6.
North Arcot
23.23%
7.
Thirvannamalai
22.99%


All these districts are agricultural intensive areas, which provide work to Dalit landless agricultural labourers.

Urban Dalit concentration is as follows:

TABLE NO 5
URBAN DALIT CONCENTRATION

NAME
PERCENTAGE
Nilgiris
32.20%
North Arcot
15.35%
Chengalpattu
14.95%
South Arcot
13.49%
Chennai
13.79%
South Arcot
13.49%
Coimbatore
12.83%



When compared to the corresponding rural-urban distribution in the districts, it is found that the proportion of scheduled castes in rural areas is highest in Dharmapuri (94.38%) and lowest in (46.97%) in Nilgiris district.













CHAPTER II
ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE
There is no greater scholar other than Dr Ambedkar who studied the economic base as deeply as the social and religious base of the Hindu social order. The economic perspective is placed first, as the economic conditions of the dalits are very worse as they are highly concentrated in rural areas and engaged in the agricultual sector (primary sector). According to Dr Ambedkar the following as the salient features of the Hindu social order.
¨ Fixation of occupation for each caste group and continuance thereof by heredity thereby creating inequality among various castes.
¨ Unequal distribution of economic rights and privileges among four caste groups.
¨ Maintains a hierarchy of occupation based on the stigma of high and low.
¨ Recognised slavery and the principle of graded inequality are extended to slavery across caste group.
¨ Provides for coercive mechanism to enforce this unnatural economic order.
Another principle on which the caste system is based is that occupations are not only fixed but their division is highly unequal. It gives privilege to some and practically nothing to others. In fact graded inequality in the distribution economic benefit is the core of the economics of the caste system. There is nothing in the divisions of caste system for Shudras except to serve the higher castes. As regards the property rights, Hinduism leaves no scope for the Shudra to accumulate wealth. While the Hindu religious law provides no economic rights to the Shudra including the right to property, it gives all privileges and rights to the Brahmins. Everything around is supposed to be the property of Brahmins. He could take the property of the common man (Shudra) without compensation and without reference to court if the same was necessary for the performance of these religious duties. Any treasure found by the Brahman fully belonged to him and he need not pay any share to the King. As master of all he is entitled to half the portion if any treasure was found by others. He was exempt from taxation. He was entitled to compel the king to provide for his daily food and to see that he did not starve. His property was free from the law of escheat.[22]
ALIENATION OF LAND:
Though Dalits constitute considerable proportion of population, when it comes to land and resources, their share is very low. Dalits contribution to the growth of India in general, Tamil Nadu in particular, in terms of agricultural and non-farm labour, art and culture is immense but these importance is grossly neglected by the society. Dalits hold a tiny fraction of a sixth of land owned by Indians.
As far as Dalits in Tamil Nadu is concerned, vast majorities of Dalits are landless agricultural labour. Dalits land holding also restricted to cents and below 1 acre. According to writer P. Sainath, “indeed, most states in India cannot provide minimally reliable data on lands owned by or distributed to Dalits”. How much of lands distributed to Dalits as Depressed classes (DC) lands are in the possession of Dalit people and how much had been encroached upon and alienated from Dalit - all these questions remain unanswered. Bureaucrats provide by some unreliable and unbelievable Data, that further confuses the people. Even a statistical report on the dalit land holding is very difficult to obtain due to caste prejudices. “the caste system (it) prevents someone from owning land or receiving an education. Land owning patterns and being a high caste member are co-terminous. Also there is a nexus between (being ) lower caste and landlessness. Caste is a tool to perpetuate exploitative economic arrangements”( R Balakrishnan, Chairman Tamil Nadu Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes)[23]
In the long history, the Dalits have lost their traditional land to the invaders be they physical or cultural. As the land determined one’s status in the pre - feudal as well as in the feudal agrarian communities, the Dalits have lost their exalted status. The grabbing of land was some times through a war, some times through an edict of the kings, some other time as social punishment for having rebelled against the onslaught of the Brahmanical tyranny, some times as religious punishment for having rebelled against the order of the temple authorities. Thus the reasons for the loss of land were social, cultural, economic and political. It was the brains of the Brahmans to see that land does not rest with those who were against them. They saw to it that the rebels are dispossessed and punished by banishing from the village, country and plains. Therefore, those who rebelled against the Brahmans fled to forests and mountains and continue to live there for centuries together and later known as Hill Tribes and Forest Tribes. This has been the by and large history of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in India.
In Tamil Nadu and Kerala, the early kings were in the habit of gifting away the fertile lands to the Brahmans whose mumbo jumbo helped them to sustain their tyrannical rule. With the advent of Empires, those virtues of the earlier community life were lost or given a scant respect. Therefore, the Emperors were in constant look out for some thing new to instil in the minds of the people to look at the kingship with awe and mystery. The Brahmans’ language helped them to achieve the same. Pleased with the remarkable results, the Kings simply gifted away vast tracts of fertile land to temples, and the Brahmans. These were known as Devadanam, Brahmadesa, Agaram, Agragaram, Mangalam, Chaturvedimangalam, and agra- Brahmadesam, brahmapuri, brahmamangalam.[24] As the number of Brahman settlements increased, the locals “uur makkal” lost their hold over the land. The establishment of the brahmadesams created a new economic order in ancient Tamil Nadu. Nilakanta Sastri says, “ The ancient “uur” by the side of new Sabha (of the Brahmans) was seemed as a part of new order. The Brahmans were given perpetual rights of property. [25]
Prof. E. Kunjan Pillai studied the land owning pattern in Kerala in a historical perspective. He has exploded the myth that the land in Kerala belonged to the Brahmans. He has stated that until the 600 A. D. no records whatsoever exist in Kerala to say that the land belonged to Brahmans. However, on the contrary, there is ample evidence to say that the lands belonged to the Kuravas, the Pulayas, and the Cherumans, who form the so-called lower castes of Scheduled Castes of today in Kerala. [26]
The cobblers of Kunthal village, state of Maharashtra have a legend to tell that their forefathers lived near Hubli, in state of Karnataka, rebelled against the British on behalf of the Maharashtra King Shivaji. As the British defeated them, they sold away all their lands and fled to Maharashtra and adopted the cobbler occupation as they first saw only that profession. [27] The gypsies in the South India were an agricultural caste in Gujarat. [28] One of the major Tribes in Tamil Nadu the Malayalis, were in fact Kaarala Vellalars who fled Kanchipuram when the Muslim forces over run the city. [29]
The Pallar were once the rulers of the Tamil country. Their history is side lined as untouchables. Their forefathers were the great Chola, Pandya and Chera kings. They were tillers of land as well as warriors. They lost their land during the expansion of the Vijaya Nagara Empire. They were condemned as Scheduled Castes.
In ancient Thondaimandalam, (the modern Kanchipuram) once belonged to the Kurumbars. The Adonai Chakravatin settled 48000 selected and good families of Vellalar caste from central and northern portions of Tamil Nadu after chasing away the native Kurumbars. [30]
DEVELOPMENT MODEL:
Failure Of The Ideology Of Development:
Though the constitution of India envisaged developing the status of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes the present scenario is totally discouraging. In the words of the Government itself “Three decades of development have not had the desired impact on the socially, economically and educationally handicapped groups. Their problems cannot be resolved through percolation of general economic growth. The majority of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes who form one quarter of the population are below the poverty line, continuing to pursue the traditional occupations; they are unable to participate fully in the process of modernisation. The practice of untouchability against Scheduled Castes is special handicap for them and even the few educated groups amongst them are unable to compete for job opportunities created while Scheduled Tribes still remain outside the mainstream of development mainly because their relative isolation and their exploitation by outside agencies.” [31]
JOBS IN THE AGRICULTURAL SECTOR:
Generally speaking its initial economic base determines a positive change in the social -economic condition of a group in response to certain policy instruments. What was the economic base of Scheduled Castes in the early 1960s can not be ascertained in the absence of data on per capita income and more direct indicators of level of living one has to use the employment or work force data as alternative indicators. Analysis of work force data gives a fairly good idea of the economic base of group in so far as it indicates the nature of economic activity in which they are engaged.
TABLE NO 8
WORK FORCE STRUCTURE: 1961 - 1981
YEAR
CULTIVATOR
AGRICULTURAL
AGR.WORKERS
NON-AGRI WORKERS
TOTAL
1961 SC/
39.5
29.9
69.4
30.60
100
NON - SC/ST
52.2
9.8
62.0
38.00
100
1971 SC/
32.0
45.8
77.80
22.20
100
NON - SC/ST
47.50
16.0
63.50
36.50
100
1981 SC/
32.12
41.75
73.87
26.00
100
NON - SC/ST
44.5
14.30
58.35
41.65
100

Note: Comparable data on the workforce structure is available since 1960. Figures for non - S C / S T population are derived by excluding S C / S T population from general population.

Table No 1 gives the percentage of workers engaged in agriculture and non-agriculture sector. In agriculture it also provides figures on the division of workers into cultivators and agricultural labourer, both for Scheduled Castes and Non- Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes population. In 1961, of the total Scheduled Castes workers in the country 69.40 % found themselves in non-agriculture sector. The proportions of non Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes group worked out to 62.00 and 38.00 % respectively. Thus the dependence of Scheduled Castes population on agriculture was more than that of non Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes population. In agriculture 39.50 % of total worker were a cultivator and about 30.00 % were agricultural labourers. In case of non Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes population however, the percentage of workers engaged as cultivators was much higher compared to Scheduled Castes population. But it was quite low as agricultural labour. The incidence of agricultural labour among Scheduled Castes population was thus three times higher than that of non- Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes population. The disparity in workforce structure between these groups continued in 1981 as well. In 1981 about 74.00 %of total workers were engaged in agriculture and remaining 26.00 % in non -agricultural sectors, which include \industrial and tertiary activities. By comparison a smaller percentage of workers were engaged in agriculture, among the non Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes population, conversely the proportion of those engaged in non-agricultural activities was obviously higher. In the case of individual occupation, the proportion of Scheduled Castes workers as agricultural labour was far greater than that of non - Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes population. The opposite was, however, true so far as their respective proportion
TABLE NO: 9
DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLDS AND AREA OWNED: 1981-82
SERIAL NO
SIZE/CATEGORIES
SCHEDULED CASTES
NON S C /S T


House Hold
Area Owned
House Hold
Area Owned
1
Landless
12.61
-
10.18

2
Marginal Farmers
72.40
26.32
52.20
7.60
3
Small Farmers
8.40
22.62
16.09
10.90
4
Semi-Medium Farmers
4.52
24.19
12.05
15.77
5
Medium Farmers
1.80
19.19
7.66
51.73
6
Large Farmers
.26
7.69
1.32
13.98
7
Average Size (In Acre)
.62
1.93
2.12

8
Gini Ratio
.81

.76


Note: NSS Round 37,1982, Table On Land Holdings
as cultivators was concerned. This shows that in 1981 the proportion of Scheduled Castes workers in relatively better - off economic occupations such as cultivation (as owner and operator of land) and in industrial and tertiary activities (excluding construction where they form bulk of the work force) was relatively lower as compared with the non- S c / S T population. But in manual and low paying job such as agricultural labour and worker in construction activities and various odd jobs in urban areas, Scheduled Castes proportion worked out to be much higher than the non- S c / S T population. The relative economic base of Scheduled Castes was thus quite weak both in 1961 and 1981 compared with the non- S c / S T population. A still more discouraging trend was, the direction of change between 1961and 1981. Due to the impact of special measures, we expected that work force composition of Scheduled Castes population would shift more in the direction of non - agricultural sector. This expectation has not fully materialised. The proportion of workers engaged in agriculture, in fact has increased form 69.40 % in 1961 to 73.814 % in 1981, but in the case of non- S c / S T population it has declined from 62.00 to 58.3 % during the same period. This implies that over a period of twenty years (i.e.1961-1981) the gap between the two groups has been further widened. The difference, which was 8.00 % points in 1961, went up to 16. % Points in 1981. The gap has enhanced by more than hundred percent. Thus in shifting from agriculture to non-agriculture occupations, Scheduled Castes participation was less than that of non- S c / S T population. This was partly due tot the difficulty which Scheduled Castes faced, lacking in a comparable economic and social base in agriculture sector itself.


GOBALISATION AND ITS IMPACT:

Globalisation indicates that greater reforms would be introduced in agriculture. With the entry of multi national companies, the stress on the formal and technical education would increase. As those Dalits who are agriculture labourers neither have formal and technical education would be eliminated from the lands. Already due to poor facilities the farm hands are paid low wages that too only for seasons. They will have to change their profession or acquire new skills in agriculture to continue. The MNCs would prefer the professionally trained managers from India who would be inevitably influential castes. The conflict of the feudal society would reinforce and consolidated by the entry of the MNCs. Some Dalits leaders are of the opinion that entry of MNCs would ameliorate the problem of the Dalits, as the production relations hitherto feudalistic would change into capitalist. One among the supporters of the theory is Gail Omvedt and Pattankar.
Labour - ECONOMIC ACTIVITY OF DALITS

During 1991, 48.43 percent of Dalit population in the state are workers- among them 45.87% are main workers (defined as one who has worked for 183 days or more in the preceding year when the census was taken) and 2.56 percent are marginal workers (one who has worked for less than 183 days in a year) Non-workers (one who had not worked even for a day in the preceding year) form 51.57% among Dalits. This has form the basis for their economic disempowerment.
The ratio of total workers among Dalit population has declined by 0.66%. Though in the category of main workers it has witnessed 0.01% increase, in the case of marginal workers it has considerably declined, whereas non-workers ratio has increased 0.66%. i.e. unemployment is aggravated among Dalits. Among the categories of main workers, cultivators constitute mere 14.62% who own meager lands to cultivate. A large chunk of Dalit people are in the category of agricultural workers i.e. 64.29% who are naturally landless agricultural workers / Labourers. Those who are working in livestock (cattle raring), forestry, fishing, hunting and plantations constitute 2.49%. Mining and quarrying is about 0.19%, manufacturing, processing servicing and repairs in household industry is 1.11%.
TABLE NO 10

CATEGORY


1981


1991


GENERAL POPULATION

Total workers among
Dalit population


49.09


48.43


(43.41%)

Main Workers
45.86
45.87
(40.81%)

Marginal Workers
3.26
2.56

(2.50%)

Non –Workers

50.91

51.57





Other household industry is 4.91%, constructions is about 1.64%, Trade Commerce is 1.98%, Transport, storage and communication is 2.09% and other services constitute 6.68%. Thus, a large proportion of Dalit Labourers are in agricultural operation, largely wageworkers, drawing less than minimum wages. This state is contributing to the poor living and working conditions of Dalit and these sections invariably depend land-lords, feudal forces which these dominant forces ultimately form the basis for all kinds Dalits rights violations.

The following table throws light on the growing numbers of agricultural labourers over the years. This also directly linked to the alienation of cultivable lands and other productive resources.
TABLE NO 11
EMPLOYMENT PATTERN CATGEGORY WISE


CATEGORY

1961

1971

1981

1991

Cultivators

29.35

18.38

22.28

14062
Agricultural labourers

41.24

63.8

54.18

64.29

Livestock and Plantations

3.03



2.49



Mining & Quarrying

3.38

0.19


0.19

Manufacturing Household

2.68

1.15



1.11

Other House hold

2.82

3.94

1.29

4.91

Construction

0.74

0.81



1.64

Trader and Commerce
0.78
1.12

1.98

Transport & Communication
1.45

2.24



2.09

Other services

4.75

5.35

22.16

6.68



The census data from 1961 to 1991 exposes the fact that cultivators from Dalits in Tamil Nadu have steadily declined because of deprivation of lands from Dalits. The number of agricultural labourers is increasing steadily among Dalit people; invariably cause the abject poverty that exists among Dalits. Even among cultivators, Dalits who own lands are not much. A majority of them nearly 56% are tenants and only 33% of them owned less than 2.5 acres. For every 100 dalit workers, as many as 65 are agricultural wage workers. Whereas it is only 30 among general workers. The corresponding figures for 1981 was 63 and 31.8, for 1971 it was 63.8 and 30.8 for 1961 it was 41.24 and 18.42 respectively. Thus, the participation of dalit in agricultural wage work is nearly 100% more than other caste people and it is well known fact that they draw low wages even below the minimum wages. If they bargain for more wages, either they would lose wage work or brutally attacked.

Regarding gender distribution among workers, among Dalit male, 55.78% are total workers, out of which 55.44% are main workers and 0.34% are marginal workers. In the case of Dalit women, total workers are 40.93% in which main workers account for 36.08% and marginal workers are 4.85%. While the proportion of main workers among male Dalit in 1991 has declined from 56.98% in 1981 the corresponding proportion among Dalit women has gone up from 34.55% in 1981 to 40.93% in 1991, But in the case of marginal workers, the ratio has decreased in 1991 in the case of both the sexes from the ratio of 0.95 among males and 5.54% among female during 1981. This ratio has added into non-workers, thus lose even marginal work.

Dalit work participation

As far as work participation rate (the percentage of total workers to total population) among Dalits is concerned, Erode District (Periyar) is witnessed the highest work participation rate i.e.58.13% and the lowest is in Chennai District with 27.77%. In 11 of 21 districts, more than half the Dalit populations are workers. Among male Dalits, the work participation rate exceeds 50% in all the districts except Chennai (46.49%). Among Dalit women, the work participation rate is high in Kamarajar (52.63%), Tirunelveli (51.55%) and Periyar (50.54%) Districts, while the lowest is in Chennai (8.09%).

Dalit Women participation in labour

When we look at gender dimensions of worker’s participation, it is a startling revelation. Dalit women participation in work is significantly high, as many as 718 Dalit women participate in labour out of every 1000 Dalit men. However, this has recorded downfall in Dalit women’s participation when we compare with 1981 census, It was 778 Dalit women for every 1000 Dalit men (771 in 1971). Nearly 60 Dalit women for every 1000 Dalit men are thrown out of labour for multifarious reasons. Regarding marginal workers, it is remarkably very high. 14100 Dalit women for every 1000 Dalit men participate in marginal work. Thus, a larger number of Dalit women toil as marginal workers. Dalit women participation in rural areas is stood at 794 for every 1000 Dalit male. Whereas, only half the population i.e. 392 for urban areas. It shows that they contribute to the rural economy as agricultural labour (880 per 1000 male) and marginal workers (15416 per 1000 male), whereas in white-collar jobs in urban areas, Dalit women’s participation is half of the rural ratio.
Dalit women participation in household industries is also high (1038 in Rural and 670 in Urban). Thus, Dalit women are forced to work only in agricultural wage work and household industries than other categories of work.
Dalit women’s participation in agricultural operations surpasses Dalit men’s participation in Thirvannamalai districts (1038 for every 1000 male Dalit), Pudukkottai (1013), Kamarajar (1079), Ramanathapuram (1013), Chidambaranar (1054) and Tirunelveli Kattabomman (1097). Dalit women’s participation in household industries is recorded very high in Tirunelveli (9686 for every 1000 Dalit male), Kanniyakumari (1968), Chidambaranar (1716), Madurai (1503), Ramanathapuram (1393) and Kamarajar (1105). It is well known fact that, in these districts the concentration of unorganised work is much, such as Beedi rolling, Vessels making, and Cashew nut collecting and other household work.
Among total workers, Dalit women participation in economic activities in the rural areas of Tirunelveli is more than the Dalit men (1024)
Bonded Labour and Child Labour
Among Dalit workers, a huge proportion of workers are living in bonded nature, trapping into debt, advanced by the employers. If we apply the definition that one who draws below the minimum wage is considered to be a bonded labour strictly, most of the Dalit agricultural labourers out of 64.7% would be a bonded labour.
Compulsory primary Education and elimination of child labour both are synonymous and have close linkage with one another. Lack of access to primary Education for Dalit Children is ultimately forcing children to engage in labour. In Tamil Nadu, the access to education for Dalit girl children is further denied. 66.5% of Dalit girl children were deprived access to primary education, 86.1% of Dalit girl children who had not reached VIII std, 91.2% of girls who were not able to reach 10th std are potential child labour and forced into domestic as well as agricultural labour and exploited mindlessly. Out of total child labour in Tamil Nadu 51.8 percent are girl children and 48.2% are boys. In Tamil Nadu, children who attend work as Main workers are 50,12,688 (0.5 million). Marginal workers are 53445 out of which a huge 86% are girl children and only 14% are boys. Children who are neither attending school nor attending work, but work seekers or potential child labour are 3 million (30,45,425). Out of all these categories, Dalit children constitute around 75% because of their family’s abject poverty, family size, poor living and working conditions and dispossession of productive assets.
Wherever concentration of Dalits in the districts – particularly in rural areas is high, shockingly, there is also correspondingly a high concentration of child labour exist.







TABLE NO 12
DALIT – CHILD LABOUR DATA

Districts





Dalit
Population to
Total population
State average

19.18

Dalit Population

Distribution



Child
Main
Workers
5-14 yrs.



Marginal
Workers




Non
Workers




Rural
Urban
Salem

16.70

82.44

17.56

50064

3610

207915

South Arcot
27.13
92.17
7.83
42198
8270
373897

Dharmapuri

14.31

94.35

5.65

41750

4340

192597

Coimbatore


16.40


58.84


41.16


36140


872


146793

Thiruchirappalli

19.14

85.65

14.35

35030

4245

216480

Madurai
14.60
78.36
21.64
34950
2720
180645

Erode (Periyar)

17.16

85.51

14.49

33310

2373

113835

Chengalpattu


25.97


74.17


25.48


30250


3680


247818

Tirunelveli
17.89
78.87
21.13
30028
2986
128898

Kamarajar

18.46

81.64

18.36

29110

1600

82236

North Arcot

20.73

92.17

7.83

26026

3051

175925

Thirvannamalai



21.46



94.41



5.59



24987



2280



142455




In Salem, South Arcot, Dharmapuri, North Arcot, Thiruvannamalai, Thirunelveli districts, there is a high concentration of Dalits in rural areas. This factor may be also responsible for higher concentration of child labour. However, in Coimbatore district, mushrooming of industries in Coimbatore and Thiruppur towns may be the reason for nearly 41.16 percent of Dalits concentration in urban areas. This factor may also responsible for more concentration of child labour in this District.



TABLE NO 13
LANDHOLDING BY DALIT

Population Extent of land cultivated by
Dalits in percentage to total lands
Districts 1991 85 – 86 90 – 91

1 Chennai
2 Chengalpattu
3 North Arcot
4 Dharmapuri
5 Thiruvannamalai
6 South Arcot
7 Salem
8 Periyar
9 Nilgiris
10 Coimbatore
11 Dindigul
12 Thiruchirappalli
13 Thanjavur
14 Pudukkottai
15 Pasumpon
16 Madurai
17 Kamarajar
18 Ramanathapuram
19 Chidambaranar
20 Tirunelveli
21 Kanniyakumari
22 Tamil Nadu

13.79
25.97
20.73
14.31
21.46
27.13
16.70
17.16
30.22
16.40
19.41
19.14
24.17
16.82
16.02
14.60
18.46
18.06
17.18
17.89
4.80
19.18

0.22
10.92
8.93
5.14
0.00
10.80
3.73
1.90
1.64
1.06
5.29
7.39
8.35
7.83
7.40
5.59
9.92
10.29
0.00
11.08
0.52
7.14

0.00
10.60
7.33
4.58
10.11
10.78
3.77
1.85
0.90
1.38
4.29
7.45
8.94
6.31
7.41
5.52
9.91
10.77
13.64
11.95
0.63
7.14
Out of total population of Dalits (19.18%), only a very fraction of 7.1% land out of total cultivable land has been utilized by Dalit cultivators. This is estimated under 1990-91 Agricultural Census Data.
Alienation of productive resources particularly land from the lands of Dalit people is one of the root causes for increasing numbers of Dalit agricultural landless labour. When we look at the percentage of cultivators from 1961 to 1991 (29.35% to 14.62) it clearly shows the steady decline, in other terms it shows steady land alienation pattern, whereas agricultural labourers are increasing from 41.24% in 1961 to 64.29% in 1991.
The extent of lands in the possession of Dalits and to be cultivated by them is very low when compare with the population of Dalit people. According to 1990-91 agricultural census Data, the population of Dalit out of total population is 17.16% in Periyar district but they hold only 1.85% of cultivated lands. In Nilgiris Dalits constitutes 30.22% of population but their land holding is tiny 0.90%. The following table shows the details of landholding by Dalit people.


CHAPTER III
POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE
Failure of the National Parties
The Congress party as a national party initiated certain policies for the empowerment of Dalits. However, the over all frameworks are to keep the Dalits within the Hindu fold. The polemics between Gandhi and Ambedkar centre on the same topic. Ambedkar considered Congress party as paying lip service. Though the Congress leadership made lofty declaration on the upliftment of the Dalits, with in the party the Dalits were not given due importance in organisational structure. The primary object of the Congress Party was to make the Dalits subservient (integration) with the “ Hindu “ mainstream (Brahmanism). Gandhi never accepted the illogical caste structure and the atrocities committed on the Dalits in the name of upholding the Varna ideology. In fact he buttressed the caste system as a scientific approach and termed the Scheduled Castes as Harijans, i.e. children of god Hari. However later studies have proved that the terminology has been used by a Gujrathi novelist in the sense of ‘son of a slut’. Gandhi opposed the separate constituencies for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as he felt that it would render the Hindus (caste) to a minority and ultimately destroy Hinduism. For Gandhi caste system was corner stone of Hindu society. Though he openly contested those castes have nothing to do with Hindu religion, in his heart of never wanted to empower the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The Hindu fundamentalism always existed within the congress party. The R S S founders were once members of the congress party. [32] The early congress stalwarts like Tilak, Dr.Munje, Madan Mohan Malaviay, Lala Lajpatrai, Savarkar, Vallab bhai Patel, Hedgevar were the Hindu fundamentalists within the congress party. Gandhi did not sow the fundamentalism but his leadership saw to it that it grew very fast. For him the service to the fellow human beings is part of his religion. He represented the liberal group of Hindu leaders within the party. [33] Most people still think that the National Congress stood for the liberation of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. It was a myth. As the top leaders of the Congress party were landlords, big businessmen and fledgling industrialists. The peculiar situation in India was the earliest businessmen and industrialists were drawn from the socially and culturally well-developed upper caste Hindus.[34] Naturally these landed aristocracy with the orthodox Hindu view of life, were totally opposed to granting political and economic power to the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. Dalits always feared Congress’s proposal of “Swarajya” as it would consolidate caste atrocities on them. In their witness to the Simon Commission, they declared that they would prefer to be sent to Plantations in far off America and Africa instead of at the mercy of the Congress (Swarajya protagonists).
Ambedkar who participated in both the Round Table Conferences in London was firm on separate constituencies and separate candidates. Gandhi was totally against it, as he feared that it would reduce the strength of the Hindus. It was a pity that M.C. Raja one the Dalit leaders from Tamil Nadu along with Dr.Munje supported Gandhi’s stand on joint constituencies as opposed to separate constituencies. However some sane voices from Tamil Nadu like that of Bala Sunderraj, a leader of the Tamil Nadu Devendra Kula Vellalar Sangham pleaded with Ambedkar for withdrawal of Poona Pact.
Ambedkar’s declaration that he would likely to embrace Buddhism sent shock waves among the Hindu leaders. Some of the Dalit leaders from Tamil Nadu supported his decision. Nevertheless some other Dalit leaders persuaded him to stay on in Hindu fold.
Poona Pact is a best example in the opposition of the Hindu society against the awarding of political rights to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The Erwada satyagraha by Gandhi against the separate constituencies for the depressed classes was in fact not targeted against the British who Gandhi accused as the divided of Hindus, but with the primary question on that times whether Dalits can be bestowed with limited political freedom or not. It indirectly helped the influential castes of the Hindu society, land lords, intelligentsia etc. That explains why the big landlords like Madan Mohan Malvaia and industrialists like G.D. Birla whole-heartedly rallied behind Gandhi. Poona Pact brought all diverging influential castes and classes of Hindu society under one banner. It remains as a warning to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes that should accept the hegemony and obey the upper caste / classes of Hindu society.
Failure of the Dravidian parties:
These parties approached dalit issues as distinct from Dravidian – maintaining a separate identity for them. Considered Dalits as integral part of non-Brahmin association for all political purposes but not for social issues. Their approach did not greatly vary from that of the congress- gradual reforms through legal measures without harming the Feudal and capitalistic structure. Even doubts were raised by some whether to include Dalits in the non-Brahmin fold or not. Many of the proposals by the Justice Party were cosmetic in nature without hurting the sentiments of the influential castes within the party. Some of the reforms executed by the Justice party are opening of schools for Dalits (1923), access to common areas in villages and reservation in govt jobs (1927), establishment of special schools (1925), financial aid for health work among Dalits, wells and burial ground in colonies (1929). On the Pallar (Devendra Kula Vellalar) and Kallar clashes in Devakottai simply passed a resolution in the assembly without even reprimanding the Kallars The strategy was simple for the Justice Party; when there is conflict between the Brahmins and non Brahmins, justice party would support the non Brahmins and when there is conflict between the non - Brahmins and Dalits, justice party would support the non Brahmins .The party would keep absolute silence during the escalation of the conflicts, or maintain a middle path and launching a struggle after the incident was over.
Dravidar Kazhagam: Self respect in a very broad sense was preached to protect one’s identity. It rightly considered caste system and untouchability as indispensable constituents of Hindu religion. They proposed for econo0mic reforms in favour of Dalits like distribution of surplus lands, reservation in govt jobs, educational and other basic amenities. Periyar was in favour of the Communal Representation along with Ambedkar and was a severe critic of Poona Pact. Periyar was of the opinion that without eliminating Brahmanism, untouchability cannot be eradicated. With rise of modern cities and towns, the Brahmins migrated to cities selling of their lands to the other influential castes and backward castes. Thus new dimension was created in the dalit and non - Dalits (influential castes including Brahmins and all backward castes). The traditional conflict between the Dalits and Brahmins now shifted to the backward castes and Dalits. The cherished dream of Brahmanism of the suppression of Dalits would be hereafter the mission of the backward castes. Though the writings and speeches of Periyar was in favour of anti Brahmin groups, his contribution in exclusive dalit issues like twin glasses, separate wells, refusal for a place in common burial ground is very much wanting. Though he was aware of the changed situation in rural Tamil Nadu he was not reprimanding the backward castes. The strategy likened Gandhi’s refusal to discuss untouchability as a separate issue as he felt that would weaken the anti imperialist forces. While Gandhian approach analysed the dalit issues within Hindu religious frame work, which made the Dalits to make compromise with the caste Hindus specially Brahmins; the Periyar approach analysed the Dalits issues totally opposed Hindu caste system and Brahmanism, the dalit were forced to compromise or contradict with the backward castes or non –brahmins. The ideological limitations of Periyar were building a common front to fight Brahmanism and considered the contradictions between rural and upper (non –brahmins) influential castes and oppressed castes as non-antagonistic. Periyar was busy with building dravida vivasaya Sangham (Dravidian Farmers Association) in a bid to unite the upper non Brahmin land lords and the oppressed castes and agricultural labourers, when the industrial worker have tuned militant and the Dalits have been protesting against the age old caste indignities like open flogging and public humiliations.
Failure of the Left Movement:
The first ever committee was formed for the Scheduled Castes concerns was headed by Singaravel Chettiar. During the B&C mill workers strike in 1922 Dalits workers under M.C.Raja did not support the strike. As a consequence some miscreants burnt down the huts of the dalit workers. Singaravel vehemently criticised the burning down of the huts. The Hindustan workers and peasants party a mass movement of the Tamil Nadu communist party, voiced for social equality. Though historical priority and ignorance of the social psychology of the Dalits persisted within communist approach, Dalits issue was rightly understood as part of agrarian and production relation and it was realised that economic equality alone was the answer to the dalit issues.
Once the Communist Party of India was very strong in rural Thanjavur. In fact it was called “ Pallar Katchi “ [35] The Dalits formed the core of the grass root cadre. The association between the Dalits status and Communist Party membership is stronger than the association between being a casual labourer and Communist Party. [36] Later on the focus of the Communist Party of India gradually shifted from the rural, agricultural, unorganised labour to the urban, industrial, organised labour with the significant change in the leadership approach to caste. When the leadership is captured by the Brahmanical and caste Hindus, the shift in the ideology was inevitable. [37]
In Kerala, the first ever Government by the Communist Party of India, was voted to power due to the massive support of the Dalits and the Backward Castes. Dalits have come to realise that through their experience of the last forty years that in the organisational structure as well as in the functioning of the Communist Party, it was not able to overcome the caste factor. The party leadership by and large corresponds to the caste hierarchy in the society. The Dalits are not allowed to occupy leadership in unions except in agricultural and related unions. The compensation received and the treatment given to the family of those killed in active party struggles vary according to caste factors. If a Dalit stands as a party candidate for elections, the Marxists who belong to the non- Dalits cadres do not vote for her/him. [38]
DALITS FOR SEPARATE IDENTITY:
Spread of Christianity among the Dalits made great impact on their outlook. They refused to carry out the traditional unclean jobs assigned to them. Among them the Devendra Kula Vellalar in Ramanathapuram and Nellai arrears were very vociferous in their refusal to carry out traditional works thrust on them. The caste Hindus pounced on the Christian Missionaries for the rebellion of the Dalits. [39] In the 1920’s Tamil Nadu Devendra Kula Vellalar Mahajana Sangham, Arunthathiyar Mahajana Sangham and Madras Valluvar Mahajana Sangham were formed. Having lost their faith in the Congress and Justice Party the Dalits turned to Dravidian Political Parties like the DMK and AIADMK. Little did they realise that these parties also inherited the legacy of the Justice Party. These parties cared very little for the empowerment of the Dalits. Incidents of atrocities on the Dalits increased along with their rule. Along with the atrocities the official apathy and bureaucratic disinterest accompanied.
Therefore, the Dalits were on the look out for new and fresh political outfits. Having found none, they went ahead with their own political and social outfits based on the local needs. Vai.Balasundaram launched the Ambedkar People’s Movement in 1974. Ilya Perumal departed ways with the state unit of the Congress party launched the All India Human Rights Party in 1980. Later John Pandian in Nellai area formed the All India Devendra Kula Vellalar Sangham and tried to bring all the Devendra Kula Vellalars under one banner. His approach to caste system and its protagonists was very radical and caused many conflicts with the caste Hindus mainly the Thevars. [40] There were precedents among the Devendra Kula Vellalars in their violent protest against the Thevars. Immanuel Sekaran of Mudukulathur was the first Devendra Kula Vellalar leader to oppose the dreadful Pasumpon Muthuramalinga Thevar whom the Thevar community deified as personification of virtue and valour. To the oppressed castes he was a ruthless oppressor. His association with Dr. Subash Chandra Bose, who formed the Azad Hind party in Singapore and allied with Japan and Germany during the II World War to gain independence for India from the British yoke, gave Thevar a brand of nationalist. Though any criminal cases were pending against him, he was protected by the Congress party initially and later by all other parties including the Dravidian parties like DMK and AIADMK. Even today to the chagrin of other communities the ruling party sends its representatives to worship Thevar in his graveyard in Pasumpon village. The henchmen of Ramalinga Thevar ruthlessly murdered Immanuel Sekaran.
Dr. Krishnasamy a medical doctor by profession shot into fame with the Kodiyankulam incident, which remains a black spot for the AIADMK rule under J.Jayalalitha. The incident was a reminder for the Devendra Kula Vellalar for their audacity to challenge the caste atrocities by Thevars. With the connivance of the local police and bureaucracy local thugs rounded the village when all men were out to work in the name of searching for dangerous arms. In fact the ruthless action against the village was to remain as a warning for other Devendra Kula Vellalar villages. The details of the horror would shame any civil society. All belongings were destroyed, food and cereals where doused in kerosene oil, all valuables stolen, steel almirahs are opened forcibly with iron bars, vessels were pierced with iron rods, water sources were doused with pesticides etc. The incident created a great furore among the Devendra Kula Vellalars who were in fact looking for a militant leader to lead them.
Dr. Krishnasamy shot into instant fame by his dedicated efforts to high light the atrocity. Though he tried his luck in party politics earlier, now his own community backed him to the hilt. He was elected to the Legislative Assembly in 1996. Thereafter things for Devendra Kula Vellalars were different. A respectable status is given to Devendra Kula Vellalars. To make the hay while it is shining Krishnasamy launched “Puthiya Thamilagam” a new political party for all Dalits, religious minorities etc. Though other community members are sparingly found in his party, it by and large remains as a strong political forum for Devendra Kula Vellalars.
Simultaneously in the north Tamil Nadu old guards were changed and new young leaders emerged among the Pariah community. The old guard consisted stalwarts like Sakthi Dasan, Vai. Bala Sundaram, Ilya Perumal, Dr. Seppan, Chandragesan etc. Young leaders like S.K. Thamilarasan (Republican Party of India – Gavai), Poovai Murthy (“ Puratchi Bharatham “- revolutionary India) and Thirumavalavan (“ Viduthalai Chiruthaigal “- Liberation Panthers on the model of the Black Panthers and the Dalit Panthers of India)
Some of the earliest stalwarts among the Dalits are Ayothidasa Pandithar (1845-1914), Rettamalai Srinivasan (1859-1945) and M.C.Raja (1883-1947) to name a few. Among these Ayothidasa Pandithar was a forerunner even for Ambedkar. He authored many books on the origin of the Dalits and vociferously for the political and social rights of Dalits. He was also the brother in law of Rettamalai Srinivasan. Many of his works research oriented and were publishing a magazine “ Thamilan “. Rettamalai Srinivasan was a contemporary of Ambedkar and participated with him in the Round Table conferences in London twice. He while in London for the conference refused to shake hands with king George V stating that would pollute him, as he was an untouchable.
There are various movements are functioning at various level to protect the interests of Dalit and attain Dalit Liberation.

There are four major political parties existing in Tamil Nadu.

1 Puthiya Thamizhagam led by Dr.Krishnasamy.
2 Dalit Panthers led by Thirumavalavan
3 Puratchi Bharatham led by Poovai Moorthy
4 Human Rights Party led by Ilaya Perumal
The following are the party and non-party political formations existing in Tamil Nadu.
1 Indian Republic party led by Sakthi Dasan (Gavai)
2 Indian Republic party led by Thamizharasan.
3 Ambedkar People’s Movement led by V. Balasundaram.
4 Ambedkar Revolutionary Tigers led by Krishna Parraiyanar.
5 Dalit Sena led by Chandrakesan
6 Bahujan Samaj party
7 All India Ambedkar People’s Movement led by Ambedkar Dasan.
8 Immanuel Federation led by Chandrabose.
9 Ambedkar Democratic Party.
10 Ambedkar Liberation Party.
11 Ambedkar Youth Movement.
12 Babuji Jagajivan Ram Federation
13 Army.
14 Ambedkar People’s Party.
15 Abayam
16 All India Ambedkar People’s Party.
17 DC lands Panchami Land Retrieval Movement led by V. Karuppan IAS (Retd.)

It is irony to see that, mainstream political parties are able to mobilise Dalit people successfully than Dalit specific party and non-party political formations. The basic causes for this failure of Dalit movements and the success of political parties need to be unearthed, by invoking an intensive study on these movements with historical perspective. Though a common Dalit person looks at political parties with pessimistic outlook, they are able to mobilize dalit votes whereas Dalit movements are struggling to make inroads into Dalit politics. This aspect needs close scrutiny and in depth study.

Most people believe that untouchability is religious system. It also an economic system which is worse than slavery. In slavery the master at any rate had the responsibility to feed, cloth, and house the slave and keep him in good condition lest the market value of the slave should decrease. However, in the system of untouchability, the Hindu takes no responsibility for the maintenance of the untouchable. As an economic system it permits exploitation without obligation. Untouchability is not only a system of unmitigated economic exploitation, but it is also a system of uncontrolled economic exploitation. [41]
II. Political and Non-Party Political Formations
The phenomenon of mobilizing and organising people on the lines of particular caste group is not a new trend in Tamil Nadu. Mobilizing and organising Dalit people into different non-party political Formations and peoples movements and working for realization of Dalit people’s rights with a long term vision of attainment of socio-economic, political and cultural transformation and development is also taking place in Tamil Nadu.
For the purpose of asserting entitlement rights on common property Resources particularly land, water and forest produces and Services – reservation, welfare measures and other, every caste groups are struggling with one another. This nature of conflicting interests had forced certain groups to form caste-based social movements and demand for separate welfare measures for them.
The increasing awareness level among Dalits and upcoming of Dalit people in economic front due to reservation and their labour intensive work culture as well as other economic activities have invariably formed the foundation and enable them to seek social equality and dignity.
But, this assertion of civil rights has had negative impact. Atrocities were perpetrated on them to undermine the struggle for caste-equality. However, increasing human rights violations, in turn, knock the consciousness of Dalit people and had made a necessity to affiliate with any one of party or non-party political formations.
Thus, a number of Dalit organisation have emerged to combat the atrocities, to enable dalit people to fight for their rights, to enable them to assert their entitlement rights and to questions the existing power equations. But as intended, these Dalit formations have failed to alter the power equations in much stronger terms or emerge as an alternative to existing corrupt, criminalized political parties. A lot more need to be done to become a force. There are number of non-party political formations are operating and these are acting as fragmented forces not acting as a unified force. Dalit people also have lost their faith on political formations. At this critical juncture, political parties were floated by some Dalit leaders and trying to consolidate Dalit votes.



CHAPTER IV
SOCIAL PERSPECTIVE:

“PCRA (Protection of civil Rights Act, 1979) the district authorities who are charged with the responsibility of enforcement of the PCRA 1979, have not lived up to the obligations enjoined upon them to protect the civil rights of the weaker sections. “ [42]

Indifferent often-hostile caste prejudices of the police, the magistrate, and the bureaucrats in the Govt. Departments joined with the vested economic muscle power of the dominant caste - class groups. [43]

“The development and integration of the Dalits with the rest of the community does not take place despite all govt. efforts and huge investment because the caste contradictions in the civil society. The freedom that came to independent India with the institutions it give to itself were alien freedom better suited to another civilisations in India they (Dalits) remained separate from the internal organisation of the country, its beliefs and antique restrictions”. [44]

RESERVATION: Articles 16(4) and 335 of the Constitution provide safeguards (against possible discrimination) to ensure adequate representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in services and posts in the central govt, public sector enterprises, national banks, statutory and autonomous bodies and institutions received grant in aid from the govt of India. While the reservation policy had made some marginal improvement in the life of Dalits, the inside stories are most discouraging. It is observed that in the Group ‘D’ and Group ‘C’ substantial gains have been made by the Dalits, particularly, in Group ‘D’ the lowest rung of the employment in govt offices, the Dalits are over represented and in Group ‘c’ their representation is somewhat equal to their percentage in the total population. However, their representation in Group ‘b’ Group ‘a’ are not at all encouraging. In no department their percentage is more than 10 %. The educational institutes under the govt control paint a dismal picture. The percentage of Dalit teachers in higher educational institutes constitutes less than 4 %. This clearly shows that the caste prejudices still alive in high echelons of society though presumably the govt of India has banished untouchability long ago.
EDUCATION: One of the lofty policies of the Govt of India is to spread education among the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. It constitutes mainly India the form of financial support as scholarships at schools and colleges, besides the usual reservation of seats at the schools and colleges. The educational backwardness was one of the tools in the hands of the Hindu social order to sustain the hegemony over the Dalits. Apart from social equality and economic security, Ambedkar identified access to knowledge to all as one of the pre conditions for the realisation of liberty and for moral and material development of the people. In the matter of spread of knowledge two conditions are pre requisites. There must be formal education. There must be literacy. Without these two, knowledge cannot spread. Without formal education the accumulated thought and experience relating to a subject cannot be mad accelerating to a the young and which hey will never get if they were left to pickup their training in informal association with others. Without formal education will not get new perceptions one cannot however, take advantage of formal education. Unless one is literate and able to read and write. Ambedkar saw important connection between these two. The spread of the arts or reading and writing i.e. literacy and formal education go hand in hand. Without the existence of the two there cannot be spread of knowledge.
In Hindu social order the formal education was confined to Vedas and Brahmins. The rest were to do and learn i.e. informal education. Education was domestic and practical. It did not lead to new perceptions. It did not widen the horizon; with the result that the practical education taught has only an isolation uniform way of acting so that in a changing environment, the skill turned out to be gross ineptitude.
Illiteracy became an inherent part of Hinduism by a process, which is indirect but internal to Hinduism. Brahmans, Kshatriyas and Vaishiyas can study the Vedas but Brahmin alone was authorised to teach them. The Shudra was not only prohibited to learn but even hearing the recital was a taboo for them. It is this prohibition, Ambedkar argues against the study of Vedas to the mass of people that came to give illiteracy and ignorance in secular life.
(b) Education - Literacy level among Dalits.

The literacy rate among Dalit population is 46.74 percent as against 62.66% for general population. Likewise, Dalit male literacy is 58.36% as against 73.75% for general population and Dalit women literacy is very low as 34.89%
TABLE NO 14
LITERACY RATE 1991


Gender

Dalits

General Population

Male

58.36%

73.75%
Female

34.89%

51.33%


TABLE NO 15
LITERACY RATE BY DALIT MAJOR GROUPS (1981 DATA)

COMMUNITY

PERCENTAGE

Adi-Dravida
32.07%
Paraiyar
30.92%%
Pallar
43.70%
Chakkiliyar

16.44%




Among the groups of Dalits, the literacy rate is comparatively very low among Chakkiliyar and this may be attributed to increasing number of children who involve in Child labour. Among all Dalit groups, the incidence of child labour is the major source for the poor state of affairs in the field of education and literacy.
Kanniyakumari district has registered the highest literacy rate among Dalits (77.33%). The next highest literacy rate among Dalit is observed in Chennai District (67.57%). Interestingly, Nilgiris District also has achieved 63.97% literacy among Dalit. The lowest literacy rate among Dalit is recorded in Erode (Periyar) District (31.28%) of the 21 districts, 11 districts have recorded higher literacy rate than the State average of 46.74%

Non-enrolment of Dalit Children both boys and girls has ultimately end up with recurrence of child labour. The poor literacy rate among Dalit girl children may also be attributed to dropping out of schools by girl children for taking care of their younger siblings. Because, the AIBAS data suggests that the average household size of Dalits of Tamil Nadu is five and this factor was responsible for occurrence of child labour.

Among Dalit living in the rural areas, literacy rate is 42.50%. While 54.47% percent are literates among rural male, a meager 30.30% only are literates among rural women. Kanniyakumari district accounts for the highest literacy rate among total Dalits (76.74%), Males (82.48%) as well as females (71.04), while the lowest rates are recorded in Coimbatore district, the literacy rate is as follows.
26.95% for total Dalit
34.98% for male
18.67% for female.
This poor state of Education by female may be due to labour-intensive industries are mushrooming in Coimbatore district. It may be noted that, a larger proportion of girl children are toiling as Child labour in Tirupur Knitwear Industries, Coimbatore cotton mills, and agricultural operations in Pollachi, Palladam and Avinasi areas.
The 1991 census data finding is the most revealing one. The Dalit literacy rate is still 15% behind that of the population. A NCERT 1986 study reveals that, out of all the Dalit children who enrolled into the schools, only less than 15% completed 10th standard in all schools and a very meager 11% in rural schools. These respective percentages sharply declined to as low as 3.7% and 1.8 at the +2 level. It is to be noted with much concern is that; Gender disparity is obvious as the girls lagged far behind the boys at all levels. The enrolment percentages were not even matched half those of the boys at the +2 level.

TABLE NO 16
DALIT CHILDREN IN THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM (1980)


CLASS
RURAL SCHOOLS

ALL SCHOOLS

BOYS

GIRLS
TOTAL
BOYS
GIRLS
TOTAL
CLASS I
100
100
1000
100
100
100
CLASS V
44.9
33.5
40.4
48.0
37.8
43.9
CLASS VIII
26.0
13.9
21.2
30.7
18.8
25.9
CLASS X
14.0
8.8
11.0
18.6
9.5
15.0
CLASS XII
2.4
0.9
1.8
4.7
2.2
3.7

Dalit children in each class as a percentage of enrolment in class I.
This data also more or less applicable to the State of Tamil Nadu.

As far as higher education is considered, the proportional enrolment of Dalits in various courses of higher education is much below their respective percentages of 16.3% and 8% in the total 1991 population.

TABLE NO 17
ENROLMENT OF DALITS IN OF HIGHER EDUCATION

LEVEL OF HIGHER EDUCATION
ARTS
SCIENCE
COMMERCE
PROFESSIONAL
UNDER GRADUATE
9.8
5.8
4.4
5.9
POSTGRADUATE
10.1
4.9
6.5
NA
OTHERS ( PhD/D.Phil )
2.9
NA
NA
NA
NOTE: NA : NOT AVAILABLE
DALIT CONTRIBUTION TO TAMIL LITERATURE:
Dalits have been in the forefront in the field of literature. With the fall of valluvans from the grace the Dalit contribution to literature was completely blocked. The Pallava kings removed the valluvans from the post of royal priesthood. Later the emergence of the siddha literature was banned as literature of the lower castes. [45] As soon as gates of knowledge were opened to Dalits, they started publishing various magazines. From the later part of the 19th century till now many dalit groups are running magazines to propagate their ideas among their own community as well as to others.
YEAR
NAME
EDITOR
PLACE
1869
SOORIODHAYAM


1885
DRAVIDA PAANDIAN


1888
MAHA VIKATA DASAN


1893
PARAYAN
RETTAMALAI SRINIVASAN
OOTY
1898
ILLARA OZHUKKAM
SRINIVASAN
OOTY
1900
BHOOLOGA VYASAN


1907
ORU PAISA TAMIZHAN,
DRAVIDA KOKILAM
AYOTHIDAS PANDITHAR
CHENNAI
1919
ADI DRAVIDAN

COLOMBO
1924
DHEENA BANDHU
S.S.BEDFORD
VELLORE
1925
TAMIZHAN
G.APPADURAI

1933
ADI DRAVIDA MITHRAN
R.RAJAGOPAL
CHENNAI
1945
SAMATHUVAM
D.MUTHUSAMY
NAMAKKAL
After independence, many dalit oraganisations started magazines for propaganda purposes. Puthiya Sagaptham( Vai. Bala Sundaram), Manitha Urimai ( Ilaya Perumal), Marudha Malar ( Uma Sankar, Tirunelveli) , Paattali Muzhakkam ( Prof. Thangaraj, Chennai), Mallar Malar Dr.Gurusami Siddhar, Coimbatore), Devendrar Seidhi Madal, ( Dr.Krishnaswamy, Coimbaore), Thamizhaga Parayar Kural( Samuel Parayar, Chennai ), Samooga Neethi ( Trichy), Manitha Urimai Murasu (Chennai), Dalit Muzhakkam ( Madurai), Dalit ( Stalin, Kumbakonam), Dalit Murasu ( Dalit Sena, Chennai), Thamukku ( Dalit Resource Centre, Madurai) etc.,.
CHAPTER V
CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE:
Though the following arguments have to be written under the title Political Perspective, for clarity sake these are included in the cultural perspective. While discussing the nature of leadership, Antonio Gramsci, puts forth two models, namely the traditional and the organic. While explaining the same in his Prison Notes, the describes the traditional leadership as one leader emerging from one of the many social groups in society, later emerge as the common leader for all the groups in society. [46] For traditional leadership Gramsci shows the Christian Priests as example. The organic leadership he goes to explain is from the oppressed groups and remain as leader of all oppressed groups. The same analogy can be ascribed to the Indian as well as Tamil Nadu situation. As long as the non-Dalits explained the Dalit History, the Dalits were untouchables, antyvasins, panchchamas, etc. However, with the advent of the Dalit Historians the truths told and hidden by the non Dalit Historians are shown light. The numerous observations by western historians, anthropologists, sociologists were deliberately black washed for a purpose.
Dalits belong to an ancient race: It has been pointed out by a number of scholars like Gustav Oppert [47], Robert Caldwell [48], M.J. Walhouse, F.A. Nicholson, Edgar Thurston, H.A.Stuart, Henry Whitehead, G.P.Pitman and A.L. Basham that the Dalits of the South India are an ancient race and they are descendants of the original inhabitants of this region who were once masters of the land. In the words of M.J. Walhouse, “ the servile castes in southern India once held far higher positions and were indeed masters of the land on the arrival of the Brahmanical castes.
Many curious vestiges of their ancient power still survive in the shape of certain privileges, which are jealously cherished, and their origin being forgotten, are mush misunderstood. Their privileges are remarkable instances of survivals from an extinct order or society - shadows of log departed supremacy- being witness to a period when the present haughty high caste races were suppliants before the ancestors of degraded classes whose touch is a pollution.” [49]
The oral myths of castes in Tamil Nadu are yet to be recorded in history of the origin of castes. The myth of Pattanavars ( fisher folk) claims that they are descendents of kings belonged to Parvatha Raja kulam. The myth of Vanniars claims that they are descendents of Akni kula Kshatryas . Similarly, Mallar, Pallar myths relate them to kings and feudatories in Tamil Nadu. [50] The Pariah myths claim that they are superior to Brahmans and had been feudatories. All these myths contain the counter points that can throw fresh like on the origin of castes. Hitherto the origin castes has been explained from a Brahmanical point of view – each caste was created from each part of Brahma etc.,. However, these new ethnographical methods should be used to rewrite the history of caste from the point of Dalits.
The Valluvans, the priestly class of the Dalits were the royal priests to the Kings up to the Pallava period before the Brahmans snatched their coveted posts. A vatteluttu inscription belonging to 9 th Century declares, “ Sri Valluvam Puvanan, the Uvachan (or temple ministrant) will employ daily six men and do the temple service “ [51] It is inferred from this that the Valluvan was man of recognition and rank and therefore the Pariahs [52]should also have been of considerable importance and influence so as to supply men from their caste to be a member of the royal priesthood. The prefix “Sri” is a notable honorific. In olden days many of the Pariahs had attained high renown as saints and poets. The most popular poem ever produced in Tamil Nadu, the Thiruk-k-kural was written by Thiru Valluvar, the divine Pariah, as he has been called. [53] The Valluvans also known as Kanians were the earliest astronomers. They have calculated the movements of the planets and stars in the very old times. [54]
In the near by Kerala also the Pulayas and the Pariahs enjoyed a high status until the lands were taken over by the Brahmanical castes. [55] In fact the Pulayas had their own forts in Kerala. Once the temple of Suchindarm, belonged to local people, later Malayali Brahmins known as Yogakkar or Potris took over the temple. [56]
Thus the facts taken together, seem to suggest that the Dalits of South India are an ancient race and that in time past they were quite an important community and that as result of the conflict between them and Aryan invaders, the ancestors of the Dalits became the first casualty. A sizeable section of the casteless pre Aryan people lost their proud past, pristine glory and their very human dignity. They fell victim to a dominant fascist culture and have inherited only untouchability, poverty, oppression and dehumanisation. [57] The greatest contribution of Ambedkar to the Indian sociology is the finding that the Dalits and the backward castes belong to the one and the same group and somewhere in the course of history the umbilical card was deliberately cut by the Brahmins.
Temple entry was not an enthusiastic subject for Dalits in Tamil Nadu as in Kerala and Maharashtra due to the spread of popular religions like Islam and Christianity. In Maharashtra the efforts of Ambedkar for temple entry had the sympathy of some Brahmins and influential castes. The Justice Party despite lofty resolutions within the four walls of the legislative assembly, did very little to implement the same as the leaders were sunk in Hindu orthodoxy. Further the spread of Self Respect Movement by Periyar gained currency since 1930 ‘s. Even the communist Singaravelar was fighting for the economic right for Dalits rather than such issues like temple entry.

Naming of the Dalits:

Naming of Dalits has long history. In ancient Tamil Nadu, four communities were recognised as kudi i.e. settled people. They were Parayan, Paanan Thudiyan and Kadamban. [58] Tamil literary texts are full of interpolations. Therefore it is very difficult to assign the correct period when these communities grew into rigid castes cannot be ascertained. Castes have been generally classified as Right and left hand castes from the 12th century onwards. However, that division did not apply to influential castes but only to the servile castes. The rivalry between these two groups sustained the hegemony of the influential castes specially Brahmans who claim that they were invited to the south by the Pallava and Chola kings. Whatever may be the causes, which prompted those kings to import the Brahmans from the north (m still they call themselves as Vadamas i.e. from the north and Brahatcharanar i.e. those who took long journey) with the advent of the greater Chola, their influence grew leaps and bounds.

Collective name for the Dalits was elusive until the arrival of the Christian missionaries. Also the early Dalits stalwarts have played some role. The Christian missionaries working with pariahs, Pallars, Shanars, Chakkiliyar and Bharatavas used terms like depressed, oppressed and exploited classes. The British enumeration followed from that. From 1871 and 1881 census onwards, Dalits were known as other Hindus. In 1882 the Madras Presidency Education commission termed them as original inhabitants and lower castes. In 1885 they were termed as exterior castes by C.D.Maclean. In 1891 the census used Brahman and pariah castes.

In 1891 dalit intellectuals like Ayothidas and his brother in law Rettamalai Srinivasan first time used the word ‘ dravida’. It was proposed and accepted by the Dravida Mahajana Sabha. Further, before the Minto Morley commission they were to be termed as casteless- Dravidian-oppressed castes. Refusal of Hindu identity and caste system were notable in that name coined by Ayothidas. In 1910, non-Brahmin association emerged. They declared them as Dravidians as opposed to Aryans (Brahmins). C.Natesan founder of Dravidar Sangham (1913) and president of Justice party proposed the term Adi dravida as distinct from dravida for the Dalits in Madras Corporation proceedings. Since the term ‘Adi’ has already been in use in some parts of India like in Punjab, ‘Adi dharmi’ the name Adi dravida came to stay. However the Devendra Kula Vellalars never liked the word and wanted to retain names like Pallars and Devendra Kula Vellalars. While the pariahs accepted the name Adi dravida, other linguistic groups in Tamil Nadu wanted to maintain their linguistic identity separately. Therefore they were to be called as Adi Andhra and Adi Kannadiga. They did not want to be branded as dravida. Even among Dalits there were difference of opinion on the word Adi dravida. While some wanted to retain dravida some others like M.C.Raja preferred Adi dravida to dravida.
The debate on name did not stop with the state. The controversy in giving a name for Dalits had gained national importance. Dr. Ambedkar proposed exterior castes. Further when he and Rettamalai Srinivasan participated in the Round table conference in London (1931) they proposed ‘non caste Hindus’ and ‘protestant Hindu’ [59] Both the Simon commission and Census officer J.H.Hutton fixed certain criteria fro naming the Dalits. Those castes in whose social functions Brahmin would refuse to participate, those whose pollute others those who were denied temple entry those whose were denied entry into schools roads and tanks and wells. Thus they were termed as ‘scheduled ‘ as under developed sections of Hindu society due to untouchability.
M.K.Gandhi proposed the term Harijan i.e. children of god. He also named his magazine as HARIJAN, converted the anti untouchability association as Harijan Sewa Sangham. Meanwhile the happenings in the society echoed in the legislative halls. Joint constituency and special candidates status were conferred on Dalits. One word that was proposed even in the earlier century was slowly emerging. Mahatma Jyotibha Phule (1827-1890) was a greatest non-Brahmin reformer of Maharashtra. He was compassionate to Dalits, backward castes and women. He dared to open schools for them with a view to develop them. He first used the word ‘dalit’ to indicate those castes that were oppressed in the Maharashtrian context. [60] Dr. Ambedkar picked up the word to indicate his own caste people and later on all the oppressed castes in Maharashtra. [61] The name further gained currency all over India.
Dalit both in its Hebraic (Hebrew) and Sanskrit root and usage means ‘ broken’ and ‘down trodden’. [62]
IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY ON DALITS:
Christian religion has made a tremendous impact on the Dalits. That remains a truth even today as 85 % of the Indian Christians are of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The equality, compassion for the poor and needy, impetus given for education and development of the socially backward people in the Christian religion attracted the Dalits. Hitherto they were denied liberty and equality. Their very presence was detested by caste Hindus. They were treated as cattle. Education was not only denied to them but also severe punishment awaited for who dared to do so. The Ekalayvan episode [63] and the Shambuk episode [64] clearly prove that any one dared to learn will have to meet the consequences.
Generally many writers do not pay any attention to the fact that Christianity has directly and indirectly caused betterment of Dalits. Probably, these writers though masquerade as socialists, communists and democrats are in their heart rabid orthodox Hindus and were reluctant to accept the impact of Christianity. Interestingly many of these and their kith and kin are direct beneficiaries of the Christian schools and colleges. Some others are vehemently accusing Christianity as destroying Hinduism. (E.g.: Arun Shourie’s book “ HARVESTING THEIR SOULS “). Perhaps no author wants to accept the status Christianity has offered to Dalits. Around the later part of the 15 th century, the Portuguese arrived in India. Though Christianity existed in Tamil Nadu from the beginning of the Christian era, by no less a person than St.Thomas a direct disciple of Jesus, the religion he established vanished without leaving any trace. [65] The Portuguese landed in India for trade. Spreading of Christianity came second to them. To begin with the fisher folk Bharatavas embraced Christianity to protect themselves against the Muslim traders. [66] With the arrival of S t. Francis Xavier (1542) Christianity spread among the lower castes like the Pariahs, Pallars and Shanars (Nadars) in areas like Nellai, Thanjavur, Ramanathapuram and Madurai. There was hue and cry over the conversion of lower castes by the caste Hindus. They complained to the British that they had no right to intervene in the internal matters of the natives. They questioned the authority on which the British allowed the lower castes to embrace Christianity. The conversions shook the foundations of the Hindu society in rural areas, as the new converts refused to carry out the traditional low professions like carrying the carcasses, corpses and free labour in the Hindu temples. That was resented by the caste Hindus and insisted that even converted Christians also should carry out their traditional work. However, the new converts were adamant in their refusal. The new converts showed their industriousness and sincerity in every job. When some persecution on the new converts was heaped, the king himself intervened and pacified them. [67] According to Sathiyanatha Iyer there were instances of the new converts went about destroying the idols in the Hindu temple. The conversion trend started in the 16th century grew rapidly in the 17th and 18th centuries also.
The new converts as a next step expressed their interest in learning and knocked at the citadels of knowledge. The caste Hindus were furious over the audacity of the lower castes. When the lower caste students were first admitted in schools in 1851, some teachers (influential castes) resigned their jobs and many caste Hindu students discontinued their studies as a protest against imparting education to the lower castes. Finally the educational authorities made a decision to continue to give education to the lower castes despite heavy criticisms by the caste Hindus.

Devendra Kula Vellalars are divided based on the usage like aanja, amma and ayya. Further they are also known on the basis of territory, Kongu( Salem, Coimbatore, Erode), Chozhiar( Thanjavur, Trichy and Pudukottai) and Easa Nadu( Ramanathapuram). Also they are divided on the basis of nadus.
Among the Pariah community there are many sub castes. Some of these are based on occupation, usage and territory. [68]
AREA
SUB CASTE NAME
OCCUPATION

Aruppukkara Pariah
Extraction of gold

Uzhapp Pariah
Agriculture
Kerala
Pulapp Pariah
Chaffing the paddy
Chengalpattu,Trichy and Thanjavur
Koliapp Pariah
weaving
Salem and Nellai
Kattipp Pariah
Iron melting

Kudipp Pariah
Hair cutting
Trichy
Velapp Pariah
sweepers

Ambukkara Pariah
Assisting hunters

Perum Pariah
Middle level occupations
Salem
Murasupp Pariah
Beaters of war drums
Coimbatore
Sangupp Pariah
Blowing the conch
South Arcot
Kottaipp Pariah
Occupations in the fort

Valaipp Pariah
Hunters with net

Valluvapp Pariah
Priestly duties, conductor ceremonies, astrology and medicine men
Kerala
Theepp Pariah
Toddy topping
South and North Arcot
Vannarapp Pariah
laundry
Arcot
Periya and chinna nadaan
Caste panchayat leaders




Names based on places:

TERRITORY
NAMES
Coimbatore, erode,
Kongupp Pariah
Trichy , Thanjavur
Chozhiapp Pariah
Salem
Kizhakkathiap Pariah

Names based on usage:
AREA
SUB CASTE NAME
USAGE
Thanjavur
Ayya , amma and alaep Pariah
Calling parents ayya and amma

Aruththu kattatha Pariah
Widow remarriage not allowed

Thangalan Pariah
Engaged in caste panchayat

Pandhal Muttip Pariah
Pile up pots during wedding ceremonies



Among Chakkiliyar, there are four endogamous groups. They are Kollakkambalam, Kosalvar, Anuppa Chakkiliyar and Muram Chakkiliyar. The Chakkiliyar are a landless people whose present occupation is cobbling.







































CHAPTER VI
ATROCITIES / DISCRIMINATION AGAINST DALITS

Untouchablity was abolished legally in India in 1950. However, the practice of “Untouchability” remains very much part of rural India. “untouchables” may not cross the line dividing their part of the a village from that occupied by influential castes. Dalit children are frequently made to sit in the back of the class rooms, and communities as a whole are made to perform degrading rituals in the name of caste.[69]
Dalit people in Tamil Nadu have been facing various kinds of discrimination at the hands of high-caste Hindus for over 2000 years. These social stigmas are followed in a very strict sense and there are unwritten codes and procedures are invariably followed by the High caste people against Dalits.

The caste discrimination is visibly seen, as in every village Dalits are segregated in the separate and isolated Cheris or colonies or settlements not well connected with the main villages and deprived of all basic civic amenities. Even cremation grounds are separated and large number villages have no such facility for Dalits.

The following are a vivid account of discrimination / social violence which has been deeply rooted in civil society. This mindset of the people, who blindly follow the caste rules and regulations without questioning them, was one of the sources for all kinds and patterns of violence.

1. The most heinous crime perpetrated on the humanity is untouchability. It is still exist in Tamil Nadu. Dalits are not allowed to such other caste people, not permitted to enter into the streets, houses of high caste. Dalits should not touch others or to be touched by others.
2. Separate settlement (called as ‘Cheri or Colony’) that further reinforces the Stigma of Untouchability. Seclusion at outskirts of the village or settlement may rightly be called as social boycott or ostracism.
3. The concepts like “Taint (Theetu in Tamil) pollution, impure and exclusion”, is blatantly attributed to the Dalits. The idea that impurity can be transmitted by mere touch of an untouchable or by his approach within a certain distance prevailed throughout Tamil Nadu.
4. Provision of separate tea glasses in 2000 villages of Tamil Nadu (serving tea in glasses separately allocated only for Dalits) in common / public tea stall / Restaurants).
5. Not allowed to fetch water from common water sources – wells, tanks and ponds. Village wells are still out of bound to Dalits. The denial of access to public sources of water.
6. Not allowed to pursue the services of Barbers and Washer men and denial of such services for Dalits.
7. Not allowed to take bath in common water sources or allocation of separate place.
8. The denial of the right to move freely into the streets of high caste people. Even the dead bodies of Dalit are not allowed to take to burial ground through high caste streets.
9. Not permitted to use benches in the village bus stops.
10. Forced them to stand, or give them a way for high castes people in the roads and use narrow mud road.
11. Prohibition to wear chap pals in the streets of high caste Hindus and carrying it in their hand.
12. Exploitation of labour in the name of bondage by advancing money or “Padiyal ” (slave workers).
13. Provision of low wages than the prescribed wages in the Minimum Wages Act and provide cash without touching them.
14. Extracting free, compulsory labour from Dalit.
15. In the name of religious ritual, forced them to beg for food in the houses of high caste people.
16. Physical abuse / sexual exploitation of Dalit women who work as agricultural wage earners by the landlords (Land owners) who normally belong to high caste people.
17. Subjugation by means of forcing them to practice inhuman, degrading, unfair labour practices such as
(a) Drum beating (thappu) – traditional Dalit folk art form – only in the funeral ritual – procession and not in other religious processions. Playing music at funeral processions.
(b) Act as a messenger to carry news of death of high-caste Hindus.
(c) Carrying away dead animals from the village.
(d) Dancing in the death processions.
(e) Digging pits to bury dead bodies of other caste or setting of funeral pyre. They are called as “Vettiyan”.
(f) Cleaning of cow-dung, sweeping streets, cleaning of sewage.
(g) Scavenging, removal of human night soils, curing hides.
(h) Preparing chap pals, shoes and repairing chapel.
(i) Forced labour for the village headman and other officials.
(j) To safeguard dead bodies in mortuary.
18. Denial of the right to enter village common temple / denial to perform religious rites by the high caste priests. Denial of rights to drew the chariot during the time of festivals.
19. Forced Dalits to have separate deities / Gods like Muniyandi, Ellai Munusamy and own Temples. High caste people would not enter into these temples.
20. Dalits are subjected to restrictions of inter-dining and inter-marriage. Inter-castes marriages are severely punished when male partners belong to Dalits.
21. Deprived of self-respect and Dignity by forcing Dalits not to stand in the public path.
22. Scant respect for elders of Dalits to be given by even adolescents of high caste.
23. Forced to have separate “Cremation Ground” / “Cremation Place”.
24. Social intercourse was restricted for the Dalits. A certain food items / grains like “Koozhl” (Maize, Ragi and other local varieties) are allocated for the communities of Dalits and treated as lowest status grains. There were minute rules about what sort of food or drink could be accepted by a person and from which caste.
25. Strongly objected to express their cultural talents in public places and to peruse public entertainment halls independently.
26. The untouchables were not allowed to acquire knowledge nor allowed to access to assets, gains supremacy economically. Acquisition of wealth by Dalits is viewed as tress passing caste hierarchy as well as caste order.
27. The attitude of the state in implementing reservation and welfare schemes – not filling up jobs in Government Services, lackadaisical approach as well as attitude of the state in implementing schemes and the state and bureaucracy are severely biased on the caste they themselves perpetuate discrimination.
28. Dalits are deprived of all productive resources and common property resources – land, water, grazing land, trees, and access to lakes, ponds, cattle, porampoke lands and minor irrigation. They are living under economic subjugation.
29. The agricultural labourers who belong to Non-Dalits castes are equally struggling for survival and wages and leading a life of same standards when compare with Dalits but they refuse to associate with organisations that give membership to Dalits. This is the case not only for agricultural labourers but also for most of the non-farm labourers.
30. Separate treatment the public schools – provision of separate sitting places restrictions to use common places and facilities. Example, Polur area of Thiruvannamalai District.
31. Degrading treatment by abusing Dalits by using caste name and calling them “Quota” “Scheduled People”.
32. Denial of “first Respect” – traditional respect accorded to village heads to Dalit elders.
33. Denial to use ‘white long towel’ (Thundu) which is prestigious and considered to be the symbol of power in the village by Dalit people.
34. Dalit are not permitted to capture power in traditional Panchayat, thus leads to social polarisation on caste lines. For Dalit presidents and members, preventing them to use political power is widely prevalent.
35. Dalits are not permitted to practice occupations other than clean, traditional occupations.
36. The absence of direct road links to burning ghats and burial grounds meant for Dalit.
37. Polluting public water sources, which had been used by Dalits.
38. Tonsure of heads, tying in the trees, beating to death when Dalits transcend their socialisation process and have congenial (marriage) relations with other high castes.

Thus, we may identify four major causes for the increasing atrocities on Dalits.
a) Whenever Dalit people try to uphold their ‘identify’ (son of the soils), whenever they try to assert their civil rights – self-respect in the villages and equality atrocities are inflicted on them in particular whenever they demand equality and self-respect.
b) Whenever Dalit people assert their cultural rights and refuse to accept the hegemony of dominant castes.
c) Whenever dalit people assert their economic rights / by laying a claim to common Property Resources – especially Land.
d) Whenever Dalit people assert their political rights by courageously taking resource to the provisions of Constitution and Law.

Atrocities against Dalits:

The number of incidents of crimes against Dalits by other is on the range of 16,000 to 18,000 in recent years, up from less than 10,000 per year before 1976. But in 1990s, the rate has been witnessing a sudden spurt and increased manifold. I.e. 55,000 to 65,000 incidents of crime against Dalits per year. They exclude about 1600 of rapes per year. Crimes against Dalits and Adi Vasis increased by as much as 89 percent between 1992 and 1994. However, of the total of 1.67 lakh cases of crime against the scheduled Castes and Tribes framed between 1955 and 1986, only 4,322 (or a paltry 2.6 per cent) resulted in Conviction. The decade of development during Indira Gandhi’s regime registered more than 40,000 cases of atrocity against the Dalits. According to a tenet report in the Deccan Herald of 29, July 1998, Mrs. Menaka Gandhi, Union Minister of State made gave the following details to the parliament “Despite the constitutional mandate, untouchability is prevalent in 12 states – Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Karnataka, Gujarat, Kerala, Madya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and Pondicherry”. It is prevalent on mild form in six states and union territories, Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Goa and Delhi. The rest of the states where, according to the government untouchability is not practiced are the North Eastern states and West Bengal.

Atrocity has arisen time and again on the Dalits. It is not only the number of atrocities but also the type and the reasons that count. (Refer Table 1). According to the National Crime Records Bureau, in 1997 alone, there were 8500 reported crimes committed against Scheduled caste persons. These include 261 murders and 302 rapes. These are only reported crimes, which may only be the tip of the iceberg.

TABLE NO 18
Number of cases of Atrocities on Dalits in Tamil Nadu.


Year
Cases
Year
Cases
Year
Cases
1967
110
1976
18
1985
852
1968
14
1977
54
1986
758
1969
114
1978
141
1987
650
1970
5
1979
115
1988
700
1971
16
1980
NA
1989
482
1972
412
1981
199
1990
544
1973
NA
1982
153
1991
219
1974
35
1983
299
1992

1975
7
1984
689



According to the National Commission for SC/ST Second Report (1 April 93 to 31 March 1994), the causes of atrocities in the 418 cases dealt with in the Commission during 1993-94 are classified in the Table below:



Table 1

(a) Untouchability and Social disabilities:
i. Abuse in caste name 56
ii. Denial of use of water from the common pitches in the school 3
iii. Obstruction to use the common pathway 3
iv. Dashing against a non-SC person by an SC cyclist 2
v. Quarrel over drawing water from a public tap 1
vi. Refusal to serve tea in a tea shop 3
vii. Refused to perform traditional occupation of bearing drum 1
viii. Inter-caste marriage 1
68
(b) Economic Causes:
i. Land dispute 62
ii. Dispute over financial transactions 7
iii. Exploitation by non SC/ST employees in non-payment 3
Of wages / forced and bonded labour 7
iv. Looting/damaging of crop of SC person 4
v. Dispute over irrigation of field 2
vi. Assaulting by a Doctor for non-payment of fees 1
vii. Cutting down tree from the land of an SC person 1
viii. Dispute over cutting grass 1
ix. Business rivalry 1
x. Differences towards occupation of a petrol pump by a dalit 1
87

(c) Rape 32
(d) Political causes:
i. Political rivalry 4
ii. Compelling SC persons to vote for a particular party 1
5
(e) Miscellaneous causes:
i. Demolition / forcible occupation of house / shop of SC 8
ii. Charges of theft / looting / dacoity 6
iii. Misusing official position for harassing SC/ST persons 6
iv. Dispute over drainage and other problems between SC and
their neighbour 4
v. Long standing personal enmity 3
vi. Clashes on account of installation of the statute of B.R. Ambedkar 3
vii. Retaliation by non-SC persons against teasing of their
women by SC 3
viii. Illicit relations between members of SC and non-SC/ST. 3
ix. Atrocity under influence of liquor 1
x. Retaliation against registration of complaint in the Police station
against a non-SC 1
xi. Police firing 6
xii. Death due to police excuses 2
xiii. Cases of miscellaneous nature which were not atrocities 10
50
Thus, the break up of the causes of atrocities may be summarised as follows:
Economic causes 35.1%
Untouchability and social disabilities 27%
Rape 2.0%
Miscellaneous causes 22.6%
NO
REASONS
PERCENTAGE
1
Economic causes
35.1
2
Untouchability and social disabilities
27%
3
Rape
2.0%
4
Miscellaneous causes
22.6%












The above causes, under close scrutiny, reveal that the trend of growing tension between members of Dalits and non-Dalits over a period of time, the deep rooted caste discrimination in the minds of high caste Hindus, and a true colour of rigid caste system.
There has been an increase in cases of atrocities violating human dignity like stripping of SC/ST women, forcing SC and ST persons to drink urine and eat human excreta, blackening their faces, shaving their heads and parading them in village streets.
Since 1995, over 250 people have been killed in caste clashes in Tamil Nadu. More than 86 people both men and women were killed in the caste riots in South Tamil Nadu from January 1997 to August 1997 only.

The caste atrocities which had occurred since 1948, right from Mudukulathur killing of Immanuel, Kilvenmani killing of 47 Dalit people on 25.12.78, Atrocities on Dalit people in the following places such as Villupuram, Unjaani, Thottakkurichi, Kulappadi, Tholar, Neikkuppam, Kunalam, Sakkarankuppam, Kichiluppalaym Lakshmi, Mettur Kala, Paramakkudi, Ramanathapuram, Puliyankudi, Uthirakosamangai, rape of Lakshmi of Vaiyampatti, Podi atrocities, Koomappatti, Theni, Kambam, Kurinjakulam, Ponnur, Vatchathi, Karanai, Panapakkam and KV Kuppam – all these atrocities inflicted on Dalit people only because of Dalits were trying to assert their rights over equality, or social rights and economic rights.
Many of the cases of atrocities arise from issues of wage hike, with Dalit agricultural labourers demanding wage hike. For example, Kilvenmani in Tamil Nadu where 42 Dalits, mostly women, children and elders were killed on 25.12.1968. Some of the atrocities are related to lack of provision of facilities essential or access to such amenities in dalit localities. For example, in Konalam in North Arcot district was witnessed the hold-up of the dead bodies of two aged women on the pathway on account of disputes regarding pathway to the segregated burial ground of the Dalits.
In 1995, unable to digest the economic empowerment of Dalits (Pallars) in Kodiyankulam, Thevars, high caste people, unleashed a new lease of violence against Dalits and caused irreparable damage to the humanity. A new form of atrocity had been occurred i.e. the evil of untouchability is extended even to the objects by burning of transport buses after naming Immanuel Transport Corporation. This new form is exposing the trend that how the rigid caste system is perpetuating discrimination time and again.







CHAPTER VII
CONCLUSIONS
SOLUTIONS:
Lands should be nationalised and as compensation bonds to the value of lands should be issued to the landholders. [70]































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Dr. B.R. Ambedkar , Writings and Speeches, Vol. VII,1990,

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This report has been divided into four parts, i.e. economic perspective, political perspective, social perspective and cultural perspective. Under economic perspective land alienation, work force, jobs in agricultural and other sectors and globalisation have been dealt with. Under political perspective the failure of the national and left parties, the Poona pact and the Dalits desire for a separate political identity have been discussed. In social perspective the educational status, reservations and other spheres are discussed. Under cultural perspective the most crucial issue of the forgotten history of Dalits has been dealt with. Sincere attempts have been made to justify the various perspectives. However, these are not comprehensive enough.
[1] Ram Manohar Lohia, “THE CASTE SYSTEM”, Ratna Manohar Lohia, Samata Vidyalaya Nyas, Hyderabad, 1979, p.122
[2] V Devasahayam (Ed), “ DALITS & WOMEN”, p 6 ( Contemporary Challenges Our Theological Task”- K Rajaratnam.
[3] World Trade Organisation – a global organisation controlling, determining and monitoring world trade under the behest of industrialised countries
[4] Premier credit institutions in India: Industrial Credit and Investment Corporation of India, Industrial Development Bank of India, Industrial Finance Corporation of India, and Small Industrial Development Bank of India
[5] it is the slogan of the dalit movement, Ruth Manorama, “ Indian women need to free themselves from caste bondage”, Cover story, COMBAT COMMUNALISM, May 2000 PP 18-19
[6] M Azariah, “ MISSION IN CHRIST’S WAY IN INDIA TODAY”, Christian Literature Society, Madras, 1989 p.37. He quotes from “They Burn”, by Shyam Sunder. “Their history has been deliberately consigned to the limbo of oblivion so that they may continue to fee small and lowly”.
[7] KUBER .W.N., “DR AMBEDKAR- A CRITICAL STUDY”, 1991
[8] Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Writings and Speeches, Vol. I, 1979, p 9
[9] Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Writings and Speeches, Vol. VII, 1990, p 277
[10] F.N.Barry Stuart. “ SOCIOLOGY, PHENOMENOLOGY AND MARXIAN ANALYSIS “, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1977 p. 134
[11] Louis Dumon- “ HOMO HIERARCHICUS “ Chicago , University of Chicago Press, 1980, p. 213
[12] Moffat. “AN UNTOUCBABLE COMMUNITY IN SOUTH INDIA “ 1979.
[13] E.Thurston, “CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTH INDIA, 1909, Govt. Press, Madras. & L.A.K. Iyer “ The Cochin Tribes and Castes “, 1909
[14] Saral .K. Chatterji, Some Aspects of Dalit Ideology, “ TOWARDS A COMMON DALIT IDEOLOGY, p 2
[15] Dipesh Chakraborty in Ranjit Guha, ”INVITATION TO A DIALOGUE”, (Ed) ‘SUBALTERN STUDIES IV, Oxford University Press, 1985
[16] Saral K Chatterji op cit.,
[17] D.D. Kosambi, “ THE CULTURE AND CIVILISATION OF ANCIENT INDIA”, p.16
[18] Ravi Kumar, “DALIT KALAI ILAKKIAM ARASIAL”, p.135 (Athiyaman’s Essay on Arunththiyars.)
[19] “Human Rightrs Watch: Broken People Caste Violence Against India’s Untouchables” PP 87-88. Interview with M S S Pandian, Madras Institute of Development Studies, Chennai. He attributes two reasons for devenda kula velalr’s milityancey. The first being the reservation policy of the Govt of India though which they no longer depend on the land based occupations. The second being that many of them are employed in the Gulf countries so feudal dependency is lessened.
[20] Dr Ko Kesavan,”SAMOOHA VIDUTHALAYUM THAZHTHAPPATTORUM”, p 44( Social Liberation And Oppressed), Saravana Balu Publications, Villupuram, 1994
[21] ibid
[22] Dr. B. R. Ambedkar:”The Philosophy of Hinduism” (Ed) C. Vasanth Moon
[23] HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH op cit p 27
[24] Burton Stein, “ Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India”, Oxford University Press, 1980, pp. 141-145.
[25] Nilakanta Sastri: “ Chola Studies”, pp.104-105.
[26] M.A.OOMMEN, “ Land Reforms and Socio - Economic Change in Kerala”, the Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society, Bangalore, 1971, pp.10-13. (CLS)
[27] Jadhav, S, 1994, Comment on “The myths and origin of the Indian Untouchables”, Man (N.S), pp.712-13
[28] Thurston. E. “ Castes and Tribes of South India” (7 volumes)
[29] Thurston. E. “ Castes and Tribes of South India” (7 volumes) and Aiyappan, Report on the Socio Economic conditions of the Aboriginal Tribes of the province of madras, madras, Government press, 1948.
[30] Burton Stein, “ Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India”, Oxford University Press, 1980, p. 129.
[31] Sixth Five Year Plan Documents, Govt. of India, Planning Commission, p. 417
[32] Walter K. Anderson, Sridhar Damle: “ the brotherhood in saffron: The R S S and Hindu Revivalism”, Visthar Publications, New Delhi, 1987.
[33] Bhiku Parek: “ Colonialism, Traditions and Reform: An Analysis of Gandhi’s Political Discourse”, Sage Publication, New Delhi, 1983, pp11-12.
[34] Claude Markovits:” Indian Business and Nationalist Politics 1931-1939- The indigenous Capitalist Class and the rise of the congress party”, Cambridge University Press, 1985.
[35] Pallar: A major segment of the Dalits in Tamil Nadu mainly engaged in agriculture and related occupations. Now popularly known as “ Devendra Kula Vellalar “.
[36] Rudolf & Sussane H. Rudolf, “ IN PURSUIT OF LAKSHMI”, Orient Longman, 1987, p. 379
[37] Gabrielle Dietrich, “ Studies in East Thanjavur”,
[38] Paul Chirakkerade, N.K.Jose, “ THE DALITS AND LEFT MOVEMENT”, Indian Dalits Federation, 1989.
[39] Eugene F. Irschik:” Politics and Social Conflicts in South India: The Non Brahman Movement and Tamil Separatism 1916-1929”, 1969, p.169
[40] Thevars: This is a consolidated name given by themselves to Mukkulathor, Kallar, Maravar and Agambadiyar. While Maravars were largely found in districts south of Madurai, Kallars are found in Thanjavur and Trichy districts and the Agambadiyar are found in the northern districts of Tamil Nadu. It is interesting to know that this backward caste without a strong economic status was in the forefront to save caste system tenaciously holding on to the Brahmanical divisions of society. There is historical evidence to show that they spearheaded the atrocity on the Shanars and Pallars whenever they fought for social equality. Cf: Dr. K. Kesavan, “ Samooha Viduthalaiyum Thaalthappattorum “, (Social Liberation and Oppressed) Saravana Balu Publications, and Villupuram, 1994.
[41] Arvind P. Nirmal, “ DR. B.R. Ambedkar: A Centenary Tribute, Gurukul Lutheran Theological college and Research Institute, Chennai -10
[42] Report of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Commissioner, 1977-78, p. 3.
[43] Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer, “ Justice In words and Injustice in deeds for the Depressed Classes”, Indian Social Institute, New Delhi.
[44] V.S. Naipaul, “ A WOUNDED CIVILISATION “, 1977, p.157.
[45] Siddhars: are ancient group of wise men who opposed the caste system and developed an alternative system of medicine. They are a similar to the agnostics of the West. Their contribution to Saivite literature was not accepted as holy. Dr. Deiva Nayagam,” Saiva Siddhantham and Viviliam – Oppaaivu “ , Saivite Literature and Bible – Comparative Study, International Institute Tamil studies, Tharamani, Chennai
[46] Antonio Gramsci, “Selections from Prison Note Books”, Ed. Q. Hoare and G.Nowell Smith, (London, 1979)
[47] Gustav Oppert: “ On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa or India, Madras, 1893, p.32
[48] Robert Caldwell: “ A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages, (London: Harrison, 1856, Appendix, p.456
[49] M.J. Walhouse: “ Archaeological Notes: Privileges of Servile Caste s, Indian Antiquary, (Bombay, July 1874) p.191,
[50] Dr.Bakthavatchala Bharathi, “ a Stduy of a Nomadic Community in Tamil Nadu: Kambala Nayakkar” 1994, unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Mysore and “ Jathiathin varalarum Varlatril Jathium : Dalitiarthirkana Matry Ina Varaivial “ – Hisotory of Caste and Caste in History – Alternative Ethnographic Models for Dalitism. Quoted in “ Dalit endra Thaniththuvam “ , Vilimbu Trust, Coimbatore, 1996.
[51] Census Report: Madras.1891, III, pp 267-68, Para 437.
[52] Pariahs: A dominant segment of the Dalits in Tamil Nadu mainly engaged in agriculture, now they prefer to be called “ Adi Dravidar”.
[53] Madras Revenue Proceedings, 30th Sept 1892, vol. 4128, p.629.
[54] Guna , “ Valluvathin Veezhchchi”, ( Fall of Valluvam ). Pahruli Publications, Chennai ,1996. He further argues with evidences that the Atomic theories were originally belonged to the Valluvans
[55] J.W. Gladstone, “ Protestant Christianity and People’s Movements in Kerala”, 1850-1936, (Trivandrum, 1984), pp.3-34
[56] Burton Stein, “ Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India”, Oxford University Press, 1980, p. 161.
[57] S. Manickam, “ Studies in Missionary History- Reflections on c Culture Contact”, CLS, Madras-7, 1988, pp.157-158
[58] Pura Naanuru: 335
[59] Dhananjay Kheer, p.189
[60] M.E.Prabhakar, “ Towards a Dalit Theology”, CISRS, Bangalore, p. 36
[61] Lata Murugkar, “ Dalit Panther Movement in Maharashtra “, 1991 p.6
[62] M.E.Prabhakar, op. cit., p. 1
[63] Ekalayvan: According to Mahabharath legend, he was an ace archer but a forest tribal. He could beat even Arjuna who was supposed to be the greatest archer. When the master of Arjuna, Bhisma learnt about the audacity of a forest tribal youth, he demands to know the secret of his archery. When innocent Ekalayvan admitted that he took him as a spiritual guide, Bhisma demanded his right hand thumb as his gift so that he could never pose a threat to Arjuna’s supremacy.
[64] Shambuk: According to Ramayana legend, he was Shudra and was engaged in fierce fasting for gaining some boons from gods. When a Brahmin lad dies in the vicinity, his fasting was shown as the cause. Rama the hero of the Ramayana, without enquiry beheads him as a punishment for his audacity to fast when it was a taboo for a Shudra.
[65] S.G. Pothan, “ The Syrian Christians of Kerala”, Asia Publishing House, Madras, 1963, p. 7 and A.Mathias Mundadam,” The Arrival of the Portuguese and the Thomas Christians, 1498-1592”, Dharamavaram College, Bangalore-29, pp 46-47, 1967.
[66] S.Manicakm. “ Studies in Missionary History – Reflection on culture contact” CLS, Chennai , 1988 pp 11-31
[67] R.Sathiynatha Iyer,” Tamilaham in 17th century”,
[68] C.D.Mclean, Glossary of Madras Presidency, p.654 and E.Thurston, “ Castes and Tribes of South India” vol VI, pp 80,81 & p. 117
[69] excerpts from the Statement by the International Dalit Solidarity Network * to the First Preparatory Committee for the WORLD CONFERENCE AGAINST RACISM, RACIAL DISCRIMINATION, XENOPHOBIA and RELATED INTOLERANCE, Geneva, 1-5th May 2000.
[70] Dr.B.R. Ambedkar, Writings and Speeches